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Administrative burdens are the frictions that people face in their encounters with public services, leading to meaningful costs that include learning, compliance, and psychological costs. We offer evidence that burdens are a key source and consequence of inequality, resulting in disparate outcomes in people’s access to basic rights. We also detail how these outcomes are patterned by targeting, federalism, bureaucratic pathologies, and the growing use of the private sector and tax system to deliver social welfare benefits. Throughout, we highlight recent and novel contributions, including empirical research in this double issue, that have helped clarify how and why administrative burdens shape inequality. Burdens have not received the political, policy, or research priority that is commensurate with their magnitude or impact on individuals. We conclude by arguing that we need a coherent language and framework to recognize and, where appropriate, reduce burdens across a wide array of policy domains.

Women’s opportunities have been profoundly altered over the past century by reductions in the social and structural constraints that limit women’s educational attainment. Do social constraints manifest as a suppressing influence on genetic indicators of potential, and if so, did equalizing opportunity mean equalizing the role of genetics? We address this with three cohort studies: the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study (WLS; birth years 1939 to 1940), the Health and Retirement Study, and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health; birth years 1975 to 1982). These studies include a “polygenic score” for educational attainment, providing a novel opportunity to explore this question. We find that within the WLS cohort, the relationship between genetics and educational outcomes is weaker for women than for men. However, as opportunities changed in the 1970s and 1980s, and many middle-aged women went back to school, the relationship between genetic factors and education strengthened for women as they aged. Furthermore, utilizing the HRS and Add Health, we find that as constraints limiting women’s educational attainment declined, gender differences in the relationship between genetics and educational outcomes weakened. We demonstrate that genetic influence must be understood through the lens of historical change, the life course, and social structures like gender.

Physical and mental health is known to have wide influence over most aspects of social life—be it schooling and employment or marriage and broader social engagement—but it has received limited attention in explaining different forms of political participation. We analyze a unique data set with a rich array of objective measures of cognitive and physical well-being and two objective measures of political participation: voting and contributing money to campaigns and parties. For voting, each aspect of health has a powerful effect on par with traditional predictors of participation such as education. In contrast, health has little to no effect on making campaign contributions. We recommend additional attention to the multifaceted effects of health on different forms of political participation.

This article seeks to elucidate the relationship between socioeconomic position and health by showing how different facets of socioeconomic position (education and income) affect different stages (onset vs. progression) of health problems. The biomedical literature has generally treated socioeconomic position as a unitary construct. Likewise, the social science literature has tended to treat health as a unitary construct. To advance our understanding of the relationship between socioeconomic position and health, and ultimately to foster appropriate policies and practices to improve population health, a more nuanced approach is required—one that differentiates theoretically and empirically among dimensions of both socioeconomic position and health. Using data from the Americans' Changing Lives Study (1986 through 2001/2002), we show that education is more predictive than income of the onset of both functional limitations and chronic conditions, while income is more strongly associated than education with the progression of both.

Administrative burdens are the frictions that people face in their encounters with public services, leading to meaningful costs that include learning, compliance, and psychological costs. We offer evidence that burdens are a key source and consequence of inequality, resulting in disparate outcomes in people’s access to basic rights. We also detail how these outcomes are patterned by targeting, federalism, bureaucratic pathologies, and the growing use of the private sector and tax system to deliver social welfare benefits. Throughout, we highlight recent and novel contributions, including empirical research in this double issue, that have helped clarify how and why administrative burdens shape inequality. Burdens have not received the political, policy, or research priority that is commensurate with their magnitude or impact on individuals. We conclude by arguing that we need a coherent language and framework to recognize and, where appropriate, reduce burdens across a wide array of policy domains.

Policy Points Administrative burdens, which are the onerous experiences people have when trying to access government benefits and services, reduce older adult's access to health promoting policies. Although considerable attention has been focused on threats to the old‐age welfare state, ranging from long‐term financing problems to attempts to roll back benefits, administrative barriers to these programs already threaten their effectiveness. Reducing administrative burden is a viable way to improve population health among older adults going forward over the next decade.

Abstract According to the most recent (2020) Lancet commission report, one of the most important determinants of Alzheimer’s Disease and related dementias (ADRD) is educational attainment. For those aged 80 and older, the risk for dementia is three times lower for those with a college degree compared to those without a high school degree, with even larger educational disparities by ethnicity. Despite these large and persistent gaps, there is much we do not understand about the relationship between education and dementia. Moreover, we have yet to develop effective clinical treatments that substantially slow or reverse the course of dementia. In this context, unpacking the education—ADRD relationship may be key to understanding how to delay ADRD onset. This panel explores how genetic risk, early life conditions, ranging from cognition and the quality of schooling to mid life factors, may mediate and moderate the relationship between education and cognitive decline and dementia in later life. The papers also pay close attention to variance by gender and ethnicity.

Just as postsecondary schooling serves as a dividing line between the advantaged and disadvantaged on outcomes like income and marital status, it also serves as a dividing line between the healthy and unhealthy. Why are the better educated healthier? Human capital theory posits that education makes one healthier via cognitive (skill improvements) and noncognitive psychological resources (traits such as conscientiousness and a sense of mastery). I employ the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study (1957—2005) to test the relative strength of measures of cognitive human capital versus noncognitive psychological human capital in explaining the relationship between education and health outcomes among high school graduates. I find little evidence that noncognitive psychological human capital is a significant mediator, but find a relatively significant role for cognitive human capital, as measured by high school academic performance. It is not just higher educational attainment; academic performance is strongly linked to health in later life.

Abstract While marital status appears to be protective for one's health, there is also evidence of gender differences in its protective influence. In short, men appear to differentially benefit from marriage compared to women. A growing body of work on later life cognitive functioning and dementia also finds protective effects for those who are married. But there is less evidence as to whether those patterns differ by gender. Using the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study, a nearly full life course longitudinal study, we find evidence that while there are no differences for men, married women, as compared to their unmarried counterparts, have lower levels of cognitive functioning at ~age 80. Differences in underlying health, educational attainment, and adolescent cognitive functioning do not explain the pattern. Similar to broader health, women do not appear to benefit from marriage in late life. Indeed, we find evidence of cognitive benefits of being single for older women.

This article offers two theoretical contributions. First, we develop the concept of administrative burden as an important variable in understanding how citizens experience the state. Administrative burden is conceptualized as a function of learning, psychological, and compliance costs that citizens experience in their interactions with government. Second, we argue that administrative burden is a venue of politics, that is, the level of administrative burden placed on an individual, as well as the distribution of burden between the state and the individual, will often be a function of deliberate political choice rather than simply a product of historical accident or neglect. The opaque nature of administrative burdens may facilitate their use as forms of \"hidden politics,\" where significant policy changes occur without broad political consideration. We illustrate this argument via an analysis of the evolution of Medicaid policies in the state of Wisconsin. Across three Governorships, the level of burden evolved in ways consistent with the differing political philosophies of each Governor, with federal actors playing a secondary but important role in shaping burden in this intergovernmental program. We conclude by sketching a research agenda centered on administrative burden.