Catalogue Search | MBRL
Are you sure you want to remove the book from the shelf?
{{itemTitle}}
23
result(s) for
"Palmer, Stephen, editor"
Sort by:
SPOTLIGHT; DEVELOPER'S LAND IN LYNN REMAINS BARE; SECOND IN A SERIES
[Kevin R. Geaney], in whose City Hall office much of the work on Riley's plan was done, was represented by Riley in a lawsuit he and another city official brought in 1982. According to the complaint, filed in Essex Superior Court, Geaney and Lynn Parking Commissioner Herbert A. Simpson Jr. entered an agreement with William R. DePow, a former [Lynn EDIC] businessman, under which DePow would buy a piece of property that would be in his name but would be developed into townhouses by all three men. DePow reneged on the agreement, the 1982 lawsuit says, and unilaterally sold the property to another party. Geaney, who was interviewed twice on other matters, did not return phone calls about the lawsuit. However, both he and Riley recently told the Lynn Item that Riley had made a mistake in placing Geaney's name on the suit. Geaney said he was involved in neither the suit nor the original transaction with Simpson and DePow. Simpson also said that Geaney was not involved in the suit. EDIC chairman [Brian P. Magrane] is a lifelong acquaintance of Riley's. Although he vigorously defends Riley today, he acknowledged that he and the other members of the EDIC's board were \"wiser\" now than when they voted to recommend that the city sign a contract with Riley. Today, said Magrane, they might ask more questions about a potential developer's finances and track record.
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT; LYNN OFFICIALS IGNORED WARNINGS OF FINANCIAL CRISIS
In a recent interview, [Antonio J. Marino] - who has been mayor of [Lynn] for 10 of the last 12 years - blamed many of the city's problems on the requirement that he seek council approval for his major proposals. The requirement has left him a \"weak mayor,\" Marino said. Yet a search of the minutes of City Council meetings over the last three years showed that Marino had submitted no proposals for ordinance changes to streamline the costly operation of Lynn city government. While Marino placed much of the blame for the crisis on Proposition 2 1/2, one state official familiar with Lynn's financial situation disagreed: \"They have a great tendency in Lynn not to focus on what the real problems are but to get involved in name calling. Combine that with the fact that no one has been watching the store financially, and it's spelled disaster.\" Neither [John J. Nestor Jr.] nor the original owners of the house knew that [Frederick Goodman] was acting, in effect, as a middleman in the 1982 transaction, according to Nestor and others. Goodman secured an option to buy the house about the time that he learned the LHA was in the market for property in the area. Goodman then negotiated the deal with the authority as if he were the owner, Nestor said in an interview this month.
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT: THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE; EX-SPEAKER LOBBIES TO DEFEAT CIGARETTE-TAX COLLECTION PLAN
While those criticisms were gaining widespread support among legislative leaders this year, [William F. Coyne] said recently he was still cautiously optimistic about his position. He was assured that [Michael C. Creedon] and [Thomas W. McGee] were opposed to the change. \"I knew that Creedon was strong on it, and the Speaker had a strong position on it,\" Coyne said. Coyne says that he never recommended a specific person as a lobbyist to Pitney Bowes. \"I did say, whoever you get, make sure it's someone who can give me some help,' \" Coyne recalled recently. The job of securing a Beacon Hill lobbyist for Pitney Bowes on such short notice was given to the company's newly hired director of public affairs, L.D. Witty. She called \"a number of business- equipment firms in Boston,\" she said, and [Robert H. Quinn] was one of several lobbyists who was suggested. McGee, a fervent loyalist, has repaid Quinn by providing him unlimited access to the Speaker's office. How Quinn used that access in his lobbying for Pitney Bowes could not be ascertained. Neither Quinn, McGee nor Creedon would be interviewed by The Globe.
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT: THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE; FEW LAWMAKERS KNEW CONTENTS OF ARMORY BILL
At [William M. Bulger]'s recommendation, [William F. Galvin] sought out [Chester G. Atkins] and requested that any proposal for selling the armory to BU include the restrictions. Although those prohibitions appeared in the bill, even Galvin was not sure the bill would be brought up for consideration until it was introduced by Atkins shortly after midnight on Jan. 4. Galvin said recently that, while he was pleased that his restrictive provisions were placed into law, he was still concerned that so many other legislators were excluded from the process. Asked recently to explain that reference, [George A. Bachrach] that he was referring to the three principals, Senate President Bulger, former Senate president [Kevin B. Harrington] and BU President John R. Silber. \"My clear impression . . . was that it was a play that went from Silber to Harrington to Bulger and back again,\" Bachrach said. After initially describing his conversation with Harrington to the Globe reporter, Atkins said he thought that Harrington \"technically\" had not lobbied for the bill. \"He didn't come in to me and hone in on me,\" Atkins added of Harrington. \"Everyone knows he was involved.\"
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT: THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE; POLITICS, NOT PERFORMANCE, LED TO THESE FIRINGS
Although [Anthony L. Ventresca Jr.] was the first researcher ever fired by the research bureau, its director said recently that the firing was not tied to Ventresca's cooperation with the FBI. Daniel M. O'Sullivan, director of the research bureau, said Ventresca was dismissed because of poor work performance. Ventresca was the \"worst researcher I ever had,\" said O'Sullivan, who has been director of the bureau since 1966. Ventresca was informed of his firing through a letter from O'Sullivan that stated the council of legislators had reviewed the bureau's research program and \"voted\" to terminate Ventresca's services. Five days before, O'Sullivan had received a letter from [Anna P. Buckley], directing him to inform Ventresca of the council's \"vote.\" How Ventresca became involved in the case, and his cooperation with the FBI, is set out in a memorandum written by [Harvey A. Silverglate] on Nov. 3, 1981. It followed a meeting that day among Ventresca, Silverglate, Deputy US Atty. Mark L. Wolf and other federal authorities involved in the investigation. Silverglate said he had asked for the meeting to express to the federal authorities Ventresca's increasing anxiety about participating in the investigation.
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT; POWER AND PRIVILEGE; RULES ALLOW 2-MAN CONTROL, MANY ABUSES
- SPENDING: The Massachusetts Legislature has become the third- most costly lawmaking body in the nation, exceeded only by New York and Michigan. Most of the money is spent in Massachusetts to pay the growing number of legislative employees, all of whom are hired on the ultimate approval of the House Speaker or Senate president. Massachusetts leads the other major states in the hiring of ex- legislators for the legislative payroll, another costly practice that is said to foster loyalty among the rank and file. - OPENNESS OF PROCESS: Massachusetts has the most absolute one- party control of the 11 largest state legislatures in the country. With such an edge, the Democrats who control the Legislature do not bother to go through the deliberative process used in other major legislatures. Those processes include holding frequent party caucuses to map legislative strategy, spending some reasonably determined amount of time debating the merits of bills, and building coalitions with groups independent of leadership. From the outside, the legislative process is even more impenetrable. The Massachusetts Legislature, unlike those in most of the 10 other major states, is not covered by the state's open-meeting law. And Massachusetts has the only state legislature among the major states not covered by a freedom-of-information law. Dr. Malcolm Jewell, a professor of political science at the University ofKentucky, has researched the operation of the Massachusetts Legislature and written two books focusing on state politics nationwide. \"Compared to other states, Massachusetts has a highly centralized legislature,\" Jewell said in a recent telephone interview. \"If you ranked the states from 1 to 50 in power - sheer, raw power - of the leadership, I suspect Massachusetts would be in the top five.\"
Newspaper Article
SPOTLIGHT; THE PORNOGRAPHY INDUSTRY; A QUICK ROUTE TO PROFITS FOR REGION'S TOP PORN DEALER
Law-enforcement officials said they have been hampered in their attempts to gain intelligence on Guarino's operation by their inability to develop sources familiar with the inside of Guarino's operation. For example, they cited the cases of three Guarino employees who went to prison for four months each last year for refusing to testify before a federal grand jury that was investigating Guarino's tax filings. That grand jury, and one later empaneled, indicted Guarino on charges of evading or underestimating a total of $797,000 in personal and corporate income taxes during the years 1975, 1976 and 1977. Richard V. Shappy: Shappy's association with Guarino dates back to 1970, when Shappy was listed as the incorporator of Guarino's Little Book Shops Inc. Shappy, of Johnston, R.I., was on the payroll until 1976 of Gemini Enterprises Inc., a company Guarino owned for the installation and supply of peep shows in adult book stores. Currently, Shappy is the owner and editor of \"Local Swingers,\" a Rhode Island-based monthly magazine that publishes nude photographs of men and women looking for partners. Prominent in the magazine are advertisements for several of Guarino's adult bookstores in New England. Shappy, who refused to comment, also is involved with another former Guarino associate in DJ Enterprises, a corporation that owns a Providence adult bookstore. John J. Tavone: Tavone's business association with Guarino ended about a year ago. From 1979 to 1981, Tavone served as president of Eastern Sales Corp., one of Guarino's present businesses, which is located in his distribution warehouse on Thelma road in North Providence. Tavone served as president of another Guarino corporation, Palace Book Inc., from 1978 to 1980, while Guarino was vice president. In 1981, Tavone took over as sole officer of the corporation. In addition to owning Palace Book Inc., which operates an adult bookstore and theater that shows adult movies in West Warwick, Tavone currently is listed as the owner of the Book Cave, an adult bookstore on Empire st., Providence, and an adult theater in Johnston that was closed by local authorities last summer.
Newspaper Article