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Despite the wide recognition of Elizabeth Lira's research career, a discussion of the contributions and debates that her work has inspired has yet to emerge. Likewise, no specialized intellectual developments exist which make it possible to reuse, develop, and circulate her work and its implications critically. In this article the author aims to contribute to this still pending discussion and explore some aspects of Elizabeth Lira’s work from the point of view of memory studies, focusing on political violence and the recent past. The author presents a historical contextualization of Lira's intellectual trajectory within the framework of the Southern Cone military dictatorships, identifying thematic axes that organize her work: the analysis of the effects of dictatorships, longterm analyses of practices and institutions, and analyses of political memory. Finally, the author outlines some dilemmas that arise from the discussion, such as the tension between memory and representation and the relation between memory and democracy.

Chapters on Caesar, Cromwell, Robespierre, Hitler and Stalin.

This thesis primarily examines the forms of control and resistance within the employment relationship in contemporary Chile, a country sometimes described as the harbinger of the neoliberal model, imposed during the Pinochet Dictatorship (1973- 1989) and since maintained without substantial modifications. The fieldwork and the bulk of the research was carried out during 2018, however, in October 2019 just as this thesis was being shaped, a momentous uprising shook the political and institutional order, shifting the terrain of possibilities, a transformation that is still in the making. This thesis thus also presents a reflection on the points of connection between the findings from 2019. This thesis moves beyond the dichotomous approach that has dominated much of the research done on the topic of workers' struggles after the dictatorship in Chile, either pointing to the defeat of the unions, or to a rebirth of the union movement. This thesis argues instead that a panoply of forms of resistance exist, even in a context where capital's control has been effective in weakening the unions power to negotiate and strike effectively (via the Labour Code and Constitution) with employers who, despite an apparent use of modern managerial techniques, still exert forms of control that are deemed violent by the workers. The analysis exceeds the classic understandings of control and resistance by also including everyday forms of resistance, an approach that is illuminated by a combination of Labour Process Theory and Autonomist Marxism. The forms of control and resistance are understood as countering forces in which the forms of control aim to expand the imposition of work, while resistance expresses itself through a multitude of contestations or evasions to this imposition. The findings showed that the workers, both collectively and individually, enact forms of resistance that move in-between, and sometimes beyond, the interstices of possibilities left within a highly disciplinary context. In most cases these are not spectacular forms of resistance, but, nevertheless they are struggles against a violent system of employment relations, and which call for their dignified treatment as workers. These two elements, a demand for a dignified life against a violent institutional and social order were also the motto of the October uprising. While this thesis does not pretend to study el estallido social in-depth, the analysis of workers' resistance can contribute to understanding the recent events in Chile as part of a continuum of forms of resistance that over the years has seen little steps forwards, several defeats, and a resurgence of different movements contesting neoliberalism. This document is organised in the following manner, the first chapters are dedicated to the contributions of Labour Process Theory and Autonomist Marxism, to the study of control and resistance, and to literature relevant to the case of Chile. This is followed by a chapter on the methodological and ethical decisions taken. A second section presents a chapter with the findings from the main project - the workers' forms of resistance - and a chapter with findings derived from secondary sources about the events from 2019 onwards. Finally, an analysis chapter discusses the findings of the main research and the connections with the 2019 uprising, with the implications for the literature discussed in the concluding chapter.

\"The Politics of Corruption in Dictatorshipsstudies how institutional and social factors influence corruption in dictatorships. Dictatorships are often synonymous with high levels of corruption, yet Vineeta Yadav and Bumba Mukherjee argue otherwise. The authors ask why corruption has declined in some but not other authoritarian regimes\"-- Provided by publisher.

Through the analysis of primary sources, it becomes evident how, during the self-proclaimed \"Process of National Reorganization,\" sports practices were presented as a way to educate the youth population. In this process, high-performance athletes, physical education practices, and young bodies were appropriated by the discourse of the civic-military de facto government as a resource that metaphorically expressed the fundamental axes of the construction of the national narrative they sought to establish. La Subsecretaría Deportes se mantuvo dentro del Ministerio de Bienestar Social (1976-1981) y Ministerio de Acción Social (1981-1983) durante el auto denominado Proceso de Reorganización Nacional. Adentrarse en los sentidos y líneas de acción que se promovieron para las prácticas deportivas desde la Secretaría de Deportes y Turismo de Ministerio de Bienestar Social de la Nación durante el auto denominado \"Proceso de Reorganización Nacional\" nos lleva a tener considerar de modo simultaneo diferentes esferas de intervención.

In a context marked by a growing worsening of social protests and dictatorial processes in the Southern Cone, the Armed Forces (FF. AA.) took power and imposed an extermination plan that left 30,000 people missing, thousands of political prisoners and exiled, children illegally appropriated and deprived of their identity. [...]the repressive violence began before March 24, 1976, and although there was a systematic genocidalplan decided in a centralized way \"from above\", by the military leaders, its implementation at the local level implied certain specificities in the different regions of the country. In this paper we will make a first approach to the main characteristics of repression in the provinces of San Luis and Mendoza (Subzone 33) aiming to identify repressive devices and circuits as well as the profile of the victims before the coup d'état and during the first year of the dictatorship.

Este trabajo se ocupa de cómo los alumnos de la escuela secundaria  conocen e interpretan el tema de la última dictadura militar argentina, un contenido considerado central  para su formación como ciudadanos democráticos. Con este propósito se utilizan datos cuantitativos resultantes de una investigación terminada sobre los países del Mercosur y se los contrapone con los obtenidos mediante narrativas de estudiantes de 5º año de un proyecto cualitativo todavía en curso y focalizado en la ciudad de La Plata (capital de la Provincia de Buenos Aires).