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British General Sir Allan Cunningham was appointed in 1945 as high commissioner of Palestine, and served in this capacity until the end of the British mandate on May 15, 1948. The three years of Cunningham's tenure were tremendously complex politically: players included the British government in London, the British army, the British administration in Jerusalem, and diverse military forces within the Zionist establishment, both Jew and Arab. Golani revisits this period from the perspective of the high commissioner, examining understudied official documents as well as Cunningham's letters, notes, and cables. He emphasizes especially the challenges of navigating Jewish and Arab terrorists, on the one hand, and the multiple layers of British institutional bureaucracies, on the other, and does an excellent job of establishing Sir Allan's daily trials within the broad frame of the collapse of the British Empire following World War II.

Between 1918 and 1939, 448 men who performed uniformed service in the First World War became Conservative MPs. This relatively high-profile cohort have been under-explored as a distinct body, yet a study of their experiences of the war and the ways in which they - and the Conservative Party - represented those experiences to the voting public reveals much about the political culture of Interwar Britain and the use of the Great War as political capital. Radicalised ex-servicemen have, thus far, been considered a rather continental phenomenon historiographically. And whilst attitudes to Hitler and Mussolini form part of this analysis, the study also explores why there were fewer such types in Britain. The Conservative Party, it will be shown, played a crucial part in such a process - with British politics serving as a contested space for survivors' interpretations of what the war should mean.

Découvrez enfin tout ce qu'il faut savoir sur Winston Churchill en moins d'une heure! Winston Churchill, l'homme de la situation: voilà le qualificatif qui sied le mieux à ce personnage-clé de la vie politique de la première moitié du XXe siècle. Nommé Premier ministre lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, il devient la figure de proue des Alliés, les encourageant sans relâche à défaire le monstre nazi. Doté d'une volonté de fer et d'une combativité exemplaire, il n'a jamais baissé les bras ni renoncé à défendre la valeur la plus essentielle à ses yeux: la liberté. Ce livre vous permettra d'en savoir plus sur: •La vie de Winston Churchill •Le contexte de l'époque •Les temps forts de sa carrière •Les conséquences de ses actions Le mot de l'éditeur: « Dans ce numéro de la collection 50MINUTES Grandes Personnalités, Catherine Fontaine nous fait découvrir la vie et les moments forts de l'un des plus grands chefs d'État britannique. S'il est surtout connu pour son combat acharné mené durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la carrière de Churchill est bien plus vaste que cela. Malgré les échecs auxquels il doit faire face, l'homme a toujours veillé à jouer un rôle dans l'histoire et à forger lui-même sa destinée. » Stéphanie Dagrain À PROPOS DE LA SÉRIE 50MINUTES | Grandes Personnalités La série Grandes Personnalités de la collection « 50MINUTES » présente plus de cinquante hommes et femmes qui ont marqué l'histoire d'une manière ou d'une autre. Chaque livre a été pensé pour les lecteurs curieux qui veulent faire le tour d'un sujet précis, tout en allant à l'essentiel, et ce en moins d'une heure. Nos auteurs combinent les faits historiques, les analyses et les nouvelles perspectives pour rendre accessibles des siècles d'histoire.

This book, the sequel to Classes and Cultures, is a historical reinterpretation of British politics in the first decades of universal suffrage. It reveals how the British democratic system developed and more importantly, it challenges its success and suggests reasons why it is flawed. The book targets significant questions, such as what it means to be a democratic society and to what extent voters really make up their own minds on politics. Exploring the political culture of these extraordinary years, the author shows that class difference became one of the principal determinants of political behaviour. It argues that the kind of democracy that emerged in Britain was far from inevitable, was as much historical accident as design, and was in many ways highly flawed.

In May 1940, with France on the verge of defeat, Britain alone stood in the path of the Nazi military juggernaut. Survival seemed to hinge on the leadership of Winston Churchill, whom the King reluctantly appointed Prime Minister as Germany invaded France. Churchill's reputation as one of the great twentieth-century leaders would be forged during the coming months and years, as he worked tirelessly first to rally his country and then to defeat Hitler. But Churchill—regarded as the savior of his nation, and of the entire continent—could not have done it alone. As prize-winning historian Jonathan Schneer reveals in Ministers at War, Churchill depended on a team of powerful ministers to manage the war effort as he rallied a beleaguered nation. Selecting men from across the political spectrum—from fellow Conservative Anthony Eden to leader of the opposing socialist Labor Party Clement Attlee—Churchill assembled a War Cabinet that balanced competing interests and bolstered support for his national coalition government. The group possessed a potent blend of talent, ambition, and egotism. Led and encouraged by Churchill, the ministers largely set aside their differences, at least at first. As the war progressed, discord began to grow. It reached a peak in 1945: with victory seemingly assured, Churchill was forced by his Minsters at War to dissolve the Government and call a General Election, which, in a shocking upset, he lost to his rival Attlee. Authoritatively recasting our understanding of British high politics during World War II, Schneer shows that Churchill managed the war effort by managing his team of supremely able yet contentious cabinet members. The outcome of the war lay not only in Churchill's individual brilliance but also in his skill as an executive, and in the collective ability of men who muted their personal interests to save the world from barbarism.

The Second World War was a watershed moment in foreign policy for the Labour Party in Britain. This book traces how the British democratic left set about the task of defining the principles of a radically new international system for the post-war world. The author shows how the experience of total war fundamentally reshaped the left's attitudes toward national identity and international policy.Breaking with the traditional accounts that place Cold War tensions at the centre of the Attlee government's activities in the immediate postwar years, R. M. Douglas's book provides an entirely new framework for reassessing British foreign policy and left-wing concepts of national identity during the most turbulent mement of Britain's modern history.

The Second World War was a watershed moment in foreign policy for the Labour Party in Britain. This book traces how the British democratic left set about the task of defining the principles of a radically new international system for the post-war world. The author shows how the experience of total war fundamentally reshaped the left's attitudes toward national identity and international policy.Breaking with the traditional accounts that place Cold War tensions at the centre of the Attlee government's activities in the immediate postwar years, R. M. Douglas's book provides an entirely new framework for reassessing British foreign policy and left-wing concepts of national identity during the most turbulent mement of Britain's modern history.

In the years between the two world wars, fascism triumphed in Italy, Germany, Spain and elsewhere, coming to power after intense struggles with the labour movements of those countries. This book analyses the way in which the British left responded to this new challenge. How did socialists and communists in Britain explain what fascism was? What did they do to oppose it, and how successful were they? In examining the theories and actions of the Labour Party, the TUC, the Communist Party and other, smaller left-wing groups, the book explains their different approaches, while at the same time highlighting the common thread that ran through all their interpretations of fascism. The author argues that the British left has largely been overlooked in the few specific studies of anti-fascism that exist, with the focus being disproportionately applied to its European counterparts. He also takes issue with recent developments in the study of fascism, and argues that the views of the left, often derided by modern historians, are still relevant today.

Britain in the Second World War presents a new and vivid survey of politics, society, culture and military strategy between 1939 and 1945. Structured around themes such as 'Wartime Media', and 'Britain and its Allies', the book covers the major historical debates of these areas, including Britains commitment to remain in the conflict until unconditional surrender and the effect of war on the status of women. It includes discussion of: * politics, including Churchill's wartime strategy and the 1945 election * the economy * selling the war to the public * the influence of war on British society. Britain in the Second World War is a compact history of wartime Britain which not only provides a succinct narrative of events, but also highlights contemporary historical debate.

In the general election of 1931, the Labour Party campaigned on the slogan `Plan or Perish'. The party's pledge to create a planned socialist economy was a novelty, and marked the rejection of the gradualist, evolutionary socialism to which Labour had adhered under the leadership of Ramsay MacDonald. Although heavily defeated in that election, Labour stuck to its commitment. The Attlee government came to power in 1945 determined to plan comprehensively. Yet, the aspiration to create a fully planned economy was not met. This book explores the origins and evolution of the promise, in order to explain why it was not fulfilled. RICHARD TOYE lectures in history at Homerton College, Cambridge.