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More than half of the 41 million foreign-born individuals in the United States today are noncitizens, half have difficulty with English, a quarter are undocumented, and many are poor. As a result, most immigrants have few opportunities to make their voices heard in the political process. Nonprofits in many cities have stepped into this gap to promote the integration of disadvantaged immigrants. They have done so despite notable constraints on their political activities, including limits on their lobbying and partisan electioneering, limited organizational resources, and dependence on government funding. Immigrant rights advocates also operate in a national context focused on immigration enforcement rather than immigrant integration. InMaking Immigrant Rights Real, Els de Graauw examines how immigrant-serving nonprofits can make impressive policy gains despite these limitations. Drawing on three case studies of immigrant rights policies-language access, labor rights, and municipal ID cards-in San Francisco, de Graauw develops a tripartite model of advocacy strategies that nonprofits have used to propose, enact, and implement immigrant-friendly policies: administrative advocacy, cross-sectoral and cross-organizational collaborations, and strategic issue framing. The inventive development and deployment of these strategies enabled immigrant-serving nonprofits in San Francisco to secure some remarkable new immigrant rights victories, and de Graauw explores how other cities can learn from their experiences.

This book deals with the impact of welfare states on immigrants' social rights, economic well-being and social inclusion, and it offers the first systematic comparison of immigrants' social rights across welfare states. To study immigrants' social rights the author develops an analytical framework that focuses on the interplay between 1) the type of welfare state regime, 2) forms of entry, or entry categories, and 3) the incorporation regime regulating the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants. The book maps out the development of immigrants' social rights from the early postwar period until around 2010 in six countries representing different welfare state regimes: the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Sweden and Denmark. Part I addresses three major issues. The first is how inclusive or exclusionary welfare state policies are in relation to immigrants, and especially how the type of welfare state and incorporation regime affect their social rights. The second issue concerns changes in immigrant rights and the direction of the change: rights extension versus rights contraction. The third issue is how immigrants' social rights compare to those of citizens. Part II shifts from policies affecting immigrant rights to the politics of the policies. It examines the politics of inclusion and exclusion in the six countries, focusing on social rights extension and contraction and changes in the policy dimensions of the incorporation regime that impinge on immigrant rights.

\"Since the 1960s, the number of immigrants living in liberal democracies has been steadily rising. Despite the existence of numerous studies on social, economic, and geographic integration, few books have addressed the integration of immigrants into the politics of their host countries. When it comes to politics, are immigrants just ordinary citizens? This edited collection considers the political integration of immigrants in a number of liberal democracies. Just Ordinary Citizens? offers a behavioural perspective on the political integration of immigrants, describing and analysing the relationships that immigrants develop with politics in their host countries. The chapters provide both unique national insights and a comparative perspective on the national case studies, while editor Antoine Bilodeau offers both a framework within which to understand these examples and a systematic review of more than 300 studies of immigrant political integration from the last sixty years.\"-- Provided by publisher.

Conceived in an era of rapid post-Cold War economic liberalization, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed in 1994, brought together Canada, Mexico and the United States with the aim of creating a regional trade bloc that eliminated the friction and costs of trade between the three nations. Without an overarching institutional framework, NAFTA never sought to attain the levels of integration achieved by the European Union - for many it was a missed opportunity - and never quite fulfilled its potential as a single market. And under Trump's administration a trilateral trade agreement has become increasingly precarious. This book provides an overview of NAFTA and its successor the USCMA, explaining the theory behind the politics and economics of trade in North America. It offers an accessible and concise analysis of the key provisions, shortcomings and past revision efforts of the governments involved. At a time of increasing protectionism and heightened awareness of trading relationships, the book highlights the lessons to be learnt from the fraught history of one of the largest trade blocs in the world.

The world is on the cusp of a global turn. Between 1500 and 1800, the West sprinted ahead of other centers of power in Asia and the Middle East. Europe and the United States have dominated the world since. But today the West's preeminence is slipping away as China, India, Brazil and other emerging powers rise. Although most strategists recognize that the dominance of the West is on the wane, they are confident that its founding ideas democracy, capitalism, and secular nationalism will continue to spread, ensuring that the Western order will outlast its primacy.

While the study of e-participation has gained increasing attention within political science, our understanding of its underlying structure and relationship to offline participation is limited. This article addresses these gaps by focusing on three interrelated questions: (1) Is e-participation a multidimensional phenomenon (differentiation hypothesis)? (2) If submodes exist, do they mirror existing modes of participation (replication hypothesis)? (3) If offline forms are replicated online, do they mix together (integration hypothesis) or operate in separate spheres (independence hypothesis)? We test our hypotheses through confirmatory factor analysis of original survey data from the U.K. General Election of 2010. The results show that distinct submodes of e-participation, comparable to those occurring offline, can be identified. Support for integration and independence varies according to the type of participation undertaken. Finally our results suggest that the online environment may be fostering a new social-media-based type of expressive political behavior.

The recent conflict between indigenous Uyghurs and Han Chinese demonstrates that Xinjiang is a major trouble spot for China, with Uyghur demands for increased autonomy, and where Beijing’s policy is to more firmly integrate the province within China. This book provides an account of how China’s evolving integrationist policies in Xinjiang have influenced its foreign policy in Central Asia since the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949, and how the policy of integration is related to China’s concern for security and its pursuit of increased power and influence in Central Asia. The book traces the development of Xinjiang - from the collapse of the Qing empire in the early twentieth century to the present – and argues that there is a largely complementary relationship between China’s Xinjiang, Central Asia and grand strategy-derived interests. This pattern of interests informs and shapes China’s diplomacy in Central Asia and its approach to the governance of Xinjiang. Michael E. Clarke shows how China’s concerns and policies, although pursued with vigour in recent decades, are of long-standing, and how domestic problems and policies in Xinjiang have for a long time been closely bound up with wider international relations issues. 1. China and the Integration of Xinjiang: The History of a Permanent Provocation 2. Xinjiang from the Qing Conquest to the Republic of China, 1760-1949 3. Completing the Forbears Behest: The Resurgence of the State’s Integrationist Project under the PRC, 1949-1976 4. ‘Crossing the River by Feeling for the Stones’: Xinjiang in the ‘Reform’ Era, 1976-1990 5. Reaffirming Chinese Control in the Wake of Central Asia’s Transformation, 1991-1995 6. Biding Time and Building Capabilities: Xinjiang and Chinese Foreign Policy in Central Asia, 1996-2001 7. Walking on Three Legs: Balancing China’s Xinjiang, Central Asia and Grand Strategy Derived Interests, 2002-2009 8. The Integration of Xinjiang: Securing China’s ‘Silk Road’ to Great Power Status? \"Overall, Clarke has done a wonderful job of piecing together a political history of Xinjiang’s strategic importance for Chinese policy in Central Asia. The achievement of Xinjiang and China’s Rise is in Clarke’s analysis, which is intelligent and comprehensive and offers a new perspective for framing Xinjiang in the larger global dynamics of contemporary politics.\" - Kristian Petersen, Ph.D., Gustavus Adolphus College; Journal of International and Global Studies \"Clarke's book is indispensible for anyone interested China's ethnic relations, state formation, and foreign policy, especially during the communist regime. Summing Up: Essential. Upper-division undergraduates and above.\" -L. Teh, CHOICE (February 2012) Michael E. Clarke is a Research Fellow at the Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University, Australia. He is the co-editor of China, Xinjiang and Central Asia: History, Transition and Crossborder Interaction into the 21st Century (also published by Routledge).