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臺灣作為一個新興民主國家，20多年的民主化受到舉世的稱許，但也產生了如Shelley Rigger所言的諸多重大難解問題。面對這些持續惡化卻又束手無策的難題，國人對民主還有信心嗎？還相信臺灣適合實施民主政治嗎？臺灣會不會像近世紀幾波民主化國家，出現威權統治回潮的現象？這是本論文所最為關心的主題，從而透過政黨不忠誠概念導引出本論文的研究議題。在研究操作上，本論文透過專家學者焦點座談，篩選出這20多年來國民兩黨所主導與論文主題有關的33件重大事件。然後選擇菁英作為詢問的對象，立意選樣40位藍綠陣營各半的知名意見領袖，徵詢他們的看法。研究結果顯示，情況並沒有那麼悲觀，這些意見領袖對臺灣的民主仍具有信心，僅有41.9%評估次數認為有嚴重程度不一的忠誠問題，58.1%認為沒有不忠誠問題或與忠誠無關。若進一步進行政黨比較，國民黨所主導的事件在正當性上負面評價略高於民進黨，其餘的合憲性、共利性及安全性差異則未達顯著水準。如果分層次來看，在政治共同體層次及政府體制層次，民進黨所主導的事件受到較大的批評；國民黨則在統治權威角色上，受到較大的非議。在政策層次的對外政策上，國民黨在安全性上受到較大的質疑，民進黨則在合憲性上較國民黨為低，在共利性上國民兩黨都受到相當大的責難。在政策層次的大陸政策上，受訪菁英對國民兩黨的作為都給予高度的肯定，不過民進黨比國民黨受到更大的好評。

Political scientists working on clientelism have become interested in the relationships between brokers and the politicians and parties for whom they work. In most of this research, brokers are seen as inherently disloyal and normally act against the interests of their patrons, unless monitoring efforts are enacted. In contrast, we argue that territorial brokers have strong incentives to construct long-term, dependent relationships with their patrons, which diminishes the likelihood of cheating, while their patrons also wish to maintain durable ties with brokers to hold an assured voter base. We argue that politicians prefer brokers who have a good reputation for providing their voters with goods and assuring their votes. Still, sometimes brokers go rogue and cheat on their bosses. This study, which is based on more than fifty in-depth interviews with both local politicians and brokers in Mexico City, examines the conditions under which brokers remain loyal and those that promote cheating. We identify two factors that explain this variation—electoral competitiveness and the level of resource autonomy between brokers and politicians. Non-autonomous brokers working under conditions of low competition tend to have high probabilities of remaining loyal, while independent brokers working under high competitiveness will often resort to cheating.

Early research led scholars to believe that institutional accountability in Congress is lacking because public evaluations of its collective performance do not affect the reelection of its members. However, a changed partisan environment along with new empirical evidence raises unanswered questions about the effect of congressional performance on incumbents' electoral outcomes over time. Analysis of House reelection races across the last several decades produces important findings: (1) low congressional approval ratings generally reduce the electoral margins of majority party incumbents and increase margins for minority party incumbents; (2) partisan polarization in the House increases the magnitude of this partisan differential, mainly through increased electoral accountability among majority party incumbents; (3) these electoral effects of congressional performance ratings hold largely irrespective of a member's individual party loyalty or seat safety. These findings carry significant implications for partisan theories of legislative organization and help explain salient features of recent Congresses.

Wartime newspapers played a critical role in highlighting opposition on the Northern home front by publicizing the position of antiwar Democrats, headlining the Copperhead press's opposition to the Lincoln administration, and exposing the disloyal acts of everyday civilians. Scholars have focused on the disloyal behavior of people who identified with the former two entities but have paid virtually no attention to how the popular press helped Americans understand loyal and disloyal behavior on an individual level during wartime. The press performed a \"watchdog\" function as journalists paid particular attention to men who took advantage of military mobilization to defraud the US government. Ultimately, newspaper coverage of Old Capitol Prison and of the transgressions that its prisoners committed reveals that the popular press shaped notions of treason and disloyalty, and molded how Americans interpreted civil liberties during wartime.

This forum explores how the fraught nexus of gender and race became central to questions of citizenship and the franchise in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. How did conceptions of the populace - an unremitting contestation of the \"we\" in \"We the People\"- shift with the changing electorate before, during, and after the Civil War? Following an introduction by Christopher Malone, Leila Mansouri investigates how slave narratives staged the paradoxes of black electoral politics during the antebellum period. Laura Free then ponders the loyalty oaths imposed on southerners in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, exploring their relevance to more fundamental questions of citizenship and inclusion. Next, through a close reading of Mark Twain's Pudd'nhead Wilson, Jennie Kassanoff uncovers how the \"gerrymandered black body\" consolidated the myth of white male majority rule in an era of tense partisan reapportionment. Collectively, these essays ask us to consider the ways that the nineteenth century continues to reverberate in contemporary debates over race, gender, citizenship and voting rights in today's fractious United States.

The article uses a variety of documents, published and unpublished, to explore the 1923 arrest, interrogation and 'trial' of Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev, often considered the Bolsheviks' leading expert on Muslim affairs in the early Soviet period. Contrary to the historiography on this crucial moment in the development of Soviet nationality policy, I argue that Sultan-Galiev was not Stalin's 'first victim'. Rather, responding to the vagaries of Soviet nationality policy, he did indeed violate party discipline in a number of ways, and was engaged in developing conspiratorial ties outside of the party. In fact, the party leaders, and Stalin in particular, treated him less severely than they could have.

According to this view, the church is a spiritual institution with a strictly spiritual jurisdiction, beyond which she is not allowed to venture. According to this view, the pulpit was to be used solely for spiritual purposes because the church was strictly spiritual in its nature.

More than 50 years after his death Herbert Norman remains a controversial figure in Canadian diplomacy. To his detractors he was at best a security risk and at worst a Soviet agent. To his defenders he was the innocent victim of a witch hunt led by unscrupulous American officials and their allies in congress. In 1950, Norman, a prominent member of the Department of External Affairs and a leading authority on Japan, was recalled to Ottawa from Tokyo where he had been head of Canada's liaison mission. This was done after his name surfaced during congressional committee hearings into communist subversion in the United States, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) asked the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) for information about him. External Affairs cleared Norman, but it reopened the case in 1952. The department again exonerated Norman Norman continued his diplomatic career, serving first as high commissioner to New Zealand and then as ambassador to Egypt, where he took his own life in April 1957 after a congressional committee revived accusations against him. No less controversial are the Department of External Affairs' investigations of Norman. The Canadian government's efforts to deal with the case without inflaming domestic opinion or damaging relations with the United States were frustrated by US executive agencies and congress, which made it a public issue despite Ottawa's urgings. The experience had a lasting effect on relations between the two countries. Adapted from the source document.

This is a study of Behn's experimentation with the cit-cuckolding comedy as a tool of political comment during the Exclusion Crisis and the early years of James II's reign. It looks briefly at Sir Patient Fancy, but focuses on The False Count, The Roundheads, and The Luckey Chance, attending in particular to Behn's generic innovations in these plays and the way in which they create a space for her to comment on and intervene in the political events of 1681–6, often in a manner that is critical of the royal party. The article rests on the assumption that Behn's Toryism deserves more scholarly attention than it has received, and it will argue that her cit-cuckolding plays disclose something of the complexity of her relationship to the royalist cause. It is now widely accepted that Behn's gender politics did not coexist peacefully with her politics. This article seeks to show that her reservations about Stuart rule stemmed as much from her Tory values as from proto-feminist principles.