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In this groundbreaking book, Ilham Khuri-Makdisi establishes the existence of a special radical trajectory spanning four continents and linking Beirut, Cairo, and Alexandria between 1860 and 1914. She shows that socialist and anarchist ideas were regularly discussed, disseminated, and reworked among intellectuals, workers, dramatists, Egyptians, Ottoman Syrians, ethnic Italians, Greeks, and many others in these cities. In situating the Middle East within the context of world history, Khuri-Makdisi challenges nationalist and elite narratives of Mediterranean and Middle Eastern history as well as Eurocentric ideas about global radical movements. The book demonstrates that these radical trajectories played a fundamental role in shaping societies throughout the world and offers a powerful rethinking of Ottoman intellectual and social history.

Marching to the beat of punk rock and reggae, Rock Against Racism was a mass movement built in opposition to racism and fascism in 1970s Britain. At a time of severe economic and social crises, RAR, alongside the Anti-Nazi League, organised one of the biggest and most effective political and cultural mobilisations of the post-war period.Expressing itself through spectacular carnivals, concerts, marches and innovative forms of design and communication, RAR combined hard-headed political organisation with the optimism and energy of radical youth culture.Drawing on interviews with activists, supporters and critics, and based on the latest research, Crisis music explores the nature of this ground-breaking politico-cultural phenomenon. The author explains why RAR seized upon the power and passion of punk and reggae, and how this has helped to shape the boundaries of modern popular music. He also offers, for the first time, a clear picture of the relationship between RAR and its main political sponsor, the Socialist Workers Party. Crisis music discusses RAR’s place within the left’s often-troubled encounters with popular culture, and draws comparisons with other music-based movements and campaigns, such as the post-war folk revival and Live 8.This book casts light on numerous current debates: about ‘celebrity politics’ and the role of musicians as political spokespeople, for instance, and the links between ethnicity, popular culture and politics. It will be of value to students and researchers in cultural studies, politics and labour history, and to anyone interested in the role of culture in political activity.

This article discusses the unevenness in the social effects of state-facilitated urban redevelopment in China by examining the social transformation experienced by the housing class of socialist workers in two inner-city redevelopment projects in Chengdu. After government compensation schemes, former public tenants and subsidised owners associated with socialist work-units are far more privileged through cash compensation or relocation in new self-owned apartments than two other housing classes – migrant tenants and homeowners of commodity or rural housing – impacted by the same urban redevelopment. The objective and subjective transformation of socialist workers during the process of resettlement are examined from field interviews, with their status changing from welfare recipients in danwei compounds to proprietors in new gated communities. We conclude that state-facilitated urban redevelopment in the Chinese city is interdependent with, and mutually reinforced by, state-led working-class transformation in market society, so as to balance the two critical national objectives of economic growth and social stability. State dominance in conferring variable opportunities via launching unequal housing trajectories among social groups determines the significant disparity of impacts from urban redevelopment in China. 本文通过考察成都市两个市中心旧城改造项目中社会主义工人住房阶层所经历的社会转型，探讨了中国国家推动的旧城改造的社会影响不均衡性。同样是受旧城改造影响，但与其他两个住房阶层 - 移民租户和商品房或农村房屋的房主相比，在政府补偿计划之后，附属于社会主义工作单位的前公共租户和补贴所有者通过现金补偿或新自有公寓搬迁得到的实惠要多得多。社会主义工人在移民安置过程中的客观和主观转变是通过实地访谈来研究的，他们的地位从单位宿舍的福利接受者转变为新的门禁社区的住房所有者。我们的结论是，中国城市中由国家推动的旧城改造与市场社会中国家主导的工人阶级转型相互依存、相辅相成，从而平衡了经济增长和社会稳定这两个关键的国家目标。通过在社会群体中推出不平等的住房轨道来赋予不同群体不同的机会，这种国家主导模式决定了中国城市旧城改造的影响在不同阶层之间存在巨大的不平等。

Following World War II, Hungary fell under the influence and surveillance of the Soviet Union. This resulted in the Hungarian Workers’ Party assuming complete control over the nation. After the defeat of the 1956 Revolution, the ruling party re-formed as the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, and after a few years of preparatory work, it composed its Roma policy of forced assimilation. This study presents the Roma policy of the single party state as carried out in the county of Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen. This county had the largest Roma population and was simultaneously designated for major socialist industrialisation and social engineering. Following the transition to democracy in 1989/90, numerous sociological and anthropological studies were conducted in the region, and this location remains highly emphasised in Hungarian social sciences. In presenting the nationwide Roma policy, I have used my source publication, while in examining policy execution in Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen county, I have relied on the county archives.

Bryan D. Palmer's award-winning study of James P. Cannon's early years (1890-1928) details how the life of a Wobbly hobo agitator gave way to leadership in the emerging communist underground of the 1919 era. This historical drama unfolds alongside the life experiences of a native son of United States radicalism, the narrative moving from Rosedale, Kansas to Chicago, New York, and Moscow. Written with panache, Palmer's richly detailed book situates American communism's formative decade of the 1920s in the dynamics of a specific political and economic context. Our understanding of the indigenous currents of the American revolutionary left is widened, just as appreciation of the complex nature of its interaction with international forces is deepened.

A fines de octubre de 1921, el Partido Obrero Socialista y la Federación Obrera de Chile organizaron una convención de sindicatos campesinos de la provincia de Santiago. El Despertar de los Campesinos fue uno de los resultados de esa reunión. En este folleto se informó de los acuerdos tomados y se insertaron interesantes textos que permiten conocer las representaciones de socialistas y fochistas sobre el campesinado y su proyección como sujeto revolucionario. Con su divulgación esperamos aportar al debate sobre los orígenes de la politización de los campesinos chilenos.

Juan Pujol García, a pacifist who became a crucial double agent during WWII, deceived Nazi Germany and aided the D-Day invasion.

At the beginning of the 1970s there was a drastic turn in the history of Hungarian folklorism brought by the 'dance house' [táncház] movement. This movement, based on civil initiative, aimed to evoke and revive the patterns of peasant dance and music culture of local communities, preserving its aesthetic values. Within its confines, many young people followed the example of the initiators, Ferenc Sebő and Béla Halmos through the intensive appropriation of instrumental folk music. Their professional leaders were such folklore researchers as Lajos Vargyas, Imre Olsvai, and György Martin, later the amateur activity ignoring scientific requirements came to play a determinant role. (N.B. the \"dance house method\" was inscribed in 2011 on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.) As an urban subculture rooted in the peasant traditional culture, it expanded independently from the centrally supervised cultural establishment - without the control of the communist party. It seemed to be dangerous from ideological point of view, because it could have involved the ideas of nationalism, liberty, and self-organized communities as well.

El artículo pretende analizar las estrategias discursivas que, entre 1988 y 1996, fueron utilizadas por los comunistas españoles con la finalidad de deslegitimar el PSOE, entonces en el Gobierno. Bajo el liderazgo de Julio Anguita, el PCE e IU adoptaron una línea de confrontación frontal con los socialistas que quedó sintetizada en la fórmula de las “dos orillas”. Según ésta, los comunistas y sus aliados eran los únicos actores situados en la orilla izquierda. El PSOE, en cambio, se situaba en la orilla derecha, puesto que era portador de un proyecto regresivo en términos de valores, derechos sociales y libertades democráticas. El corpus del artículo examinará estos esquemas retóricos y sus lógicas de fondo, mientras que las conclusiones evidenciarán tanto sus limitaciones como su legado.

On October 23, 1956, a popular uprising against Soviet rule swept through Hungary like a force of nature, only to be mercilessly crushed by Soviet tanks twelve days later. Only now, fifty years after those harrowing events, can the full story be told. This book is a powerful eyewitness account and a gripping history of the uprising in Hungary that heralded the future liberation of Eastern Europe. Paul Lendvai was a young journalist covering politics in Hungary when the uprising broke out. He knew the government officials and revolutionaries involved. He was on the front lines of the student protests and the bloody street fights and he saw the revolutionary government smashed by the Red Army. In this riveting, deeply personal, and often irreverent book, Lendvai weaves his own experiences with in-depth reportage to unravel the complex chain of events leading up to and including the uprising, its brutal suppression, and its far-reaching political repercussions in Hungary and neighboring Eastern Bloc countries. He draws upon exclusive interviews with Russian and former KGB officials, survivors of the Soviet backlash, and relatives of those executed. He reveals new evidence from closed tribunals and documents kept secret in Soviet and Hungarian archives. Lendvai's breathtaking narrative shows how the uprising, while tragic, delivered a stunning blow to Communism that helped to ultimately bring about its demise. One Day That Shook the Communist Worldis the best account of these unprecedented events.