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Land is embedded in a multitude of material and cultural contexts, through which the human experience of landscape emerges. Ethnographers, with their participative methodologies, long-term co-residence, and concern with the quotidian aspects of the places where they work, are well positioned to describe landscapes in this fullest of senses. The contributors explore how landscapes become known primarily through movement and journeying rather than stasis. Working across four continents, they explain how landscapes are constituted and recollected in the stories people tell of their journeys through them, and how, in turn, these stories are embedded in landscaped forms.

In the talk mentioned above, Gillian Evans noted how the discourse of multiculturalism has robbed those designated as ethnic minority of understanding and of presenting their situation in terms of social class. Here multiculturalism may of course work as a tool to divide along ethnic lines those who otherwise have a more fundamental class status and class interests in common.2 If these are the political problems associated with multiculturalism then perhaps the anthropological challenge should be voiced too. The context was ongoing public debates about immigration, integration and terrorism; a political obsession, it seemed, to articulate the essence of Britishness and British values; but also further developments in political devolution and hints towards independence, as in the case of Scotland, a point taken up by Alexander Smith in his contribution here.

Exploring connections between heritage studies, museum studies, art galleries, and historic sites on one hand, and death, dying, and human remains as objects of collection, curation, and display on the other, the book seeks to examine the politics and ethics of these activities. Human remains, often through processes of heritagization and museum curation, hold great power as foci of identification practices and political mobilizations. [...]the power that human remains have to move is, of course, grounded in the connections they have with other human beings, as Verdery pointed out, and the reminders they serve as of what may befall us too.

Counselling is of increasing importance in British society.Yet, very few detailed ethnographic descriptions exist of how it works in practice. This article focuses on training courses with the national bereavement care organization, Cruse. The discussion revolves around Cruse's conception of grief as a natural and ordinary process, yet individually variable and unique, and its client-centred approach, which attributes `expert' status to clients. Consideration of the `ordinary' and `expert' in Cruse ideology suggests fundamental questions: how does Cruse justify its counselling activity? How does it train and motivate people to carry out counselling? I argue that this is achieved by grounding the sense of grief in the trainees themselves through a process of situated learning that allows the trainees to assume expertise of the ordinary. Addressing the work of counselling theoretically, I argue that, while Foucauldian analysis of the psy-sciences is to some extent applicable to counselling, detailed participant observation reveals complexities in the interplay of subjectivity and subjection that the Foucauldian approach is unable to grasp.

This paper addresses the debate around Walter's (1996) biographical model of grief. It discusses McLaren's (1998) criticisms of Walter and argues, contrary to McLaren, that bereavement counselling is unavoidably directive, that very important sections of it still emphasize emotion work and that it effects a separation of emotions, relationships and stories. The paper goes on to suggest that Walter's notion of biography needs to be expanded to emphasize how the discourses of the bereaved speak of the bereaved as much as the deceased, and how these are creative achievements of 'emplottment' and characterization that shape and reflect the emotions of the bereaved and their relationship with the deceased. It suggests that we talk of the stories of the bereaved rather than a biography of the deceased.

Classic western grief theory and therapy teaches that death is the end of the relationship between the living and the dead. It adds that a key task of grieving for the living is to work through their emotions towards the deceased and readjust their identity. According to the more recent theory of continuing bonds it is both normal and healthy for the living to maintain their relationship with the deceased after death. In both theories assumptions are made regarding emotions, identity, relationships or bonds, and the intricate interplay between these. This chapter examines these assumptions and focuses on the particular problematic idea of presence, a fundamental assumption when it comes to emotions, relationships and identity. Introducing Continuing Bonds, two of the editors, Phyllis Silverman and Dennis Klass, argue that the accepted understanding of grief in twentieth-century western society has been that 'the mourner must disengage from the deceased'. Presence is the surprising key word in the continuing bond thesis.

This chapter discusses the issues raised in Byatt's story. Byatt's story Stone Woman evokes the transformative power of grief. The chapter explains how death and grief, the stories they tell and the sacrifices they memorialise are located in the landscape in the form of monuments, official or personal. The problem that structural approaches face is to explain how these broader and long-term changes, these larger forces, shape the daily and direct experience of and in landscapes and environments. Thus structural approaches have proved fruitful in explaining how political, social, cultural and economic forces shape landscapes and environment. The chapter describes the already well established that a conversation with landscape is a fundamental feature of the constitution of the nation-form in Iceland, in the formation of Icelandic identities. While road safety and traffic accidents have been a concern in Iceland for some time, autumn of 2006 and onwards saw the outbreak of unprecedented panic.

This thesis is about death, grief and bereavement counselling in the North East of England. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out over a period of three years. I have three main objectives in this thesis. Arguing that the anthropology of death has neglected grief, I seek to describe and explain how people in the North East of England experience grief; how they make sense of the death of their loved ones, and their own reactions to those deaths. Working with interviews with bereaved people and drawing upon work in narrative analysis about the importance of stories in how we think, interact and relate to other people, I focus especially on the stories that bereaved people tell in their grief. I seek to illuminate, too, how grief is managed in the North East. In particular, I focus on bereavement counselling which has, I suggest, assumed something of an authority over how people should grieve. Seeking inspiration from the anthropolo gy of emotion and the Foucauldian notions of discourse and 'technologies of the self', I examine how grief is constituted in bereavement counselling both in training and practice. Finally, I compare how bereaved people experience grief with the construction of grief in bereavement counselling. In bereavement counselling the focus is upon the emotions the bereaved is experiencing in the present; grief is understood as an emotion that has its origin and location inside the individual mourner now. For bereaved people, grief is a part of their ongoing relationships and interactions with their loved ones, and other people around them, and as such it is a feature of the history of those relationships and interactions. The difference between the experiences of the bereaved and the workings of bereavement counselling IS explained by placing the latter in the context of modem govemmentality.