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The adequate provision of quality care to the elderly, children, and those who are ill or disabled is one of the pressing social problems of our time. Despite the far-reaching formulations of care in the theoretical realm, advocacy and policy-making efforts around care work remain largely atomized. Translating the wide-ranging insights of care scholarship into tools for public policy solutions requires a practical application of the concept as well as empirical measurement. In this article, we integrate the insights of care theory with feminist economic analysis to conceptualize care as a single sector at the foundation of the state's human infrastructure. We then measure the scope of care work across paid work, unpaid labor, and government investment in one U.S. state. We estimate that the care sector in Massachusetts comprises 22 percent of the paid labor force, 20 percent of the average resident's daily time, and 57 percent of state and local government spending. Such data gives policy makers and advocates an empirical foundation to make a case for the human and economic impact of the care sector and to build on framing a broader vision of care policy. Strengthening the human infrastructure in Massachusetts and elsewhere is an economic and ethical imperative, and our goal is to provide both empirical data and a practically useful conceptual frame that can be used as tools by those working towards the social transformation of care.

Purpose The US does not have universal paid family and medical leave. We examine the direct effects of access to paid leave on patient-reported health, quality of life (QOL), and perceived stress of employed patients who underwent bone marrow transplantation (BMT) to treat advanced blood cancer as well as the indirect effects through reductions in the financial burden (FB) that patients face. Methods Our cross-sectional observational study took place at three US transplantation centers in 2014 and 2015. All English-speaking cancer patients 6-month post-BMT were mailed a 43-item survey assessing financial situation, employer benefits, and patient-reported health outcomes. The sample includes the 171 respondents who were employed at the time of BMT. Results Seemingly unrelated regression analysis confirms that patient access to paid leave was associated with reductions in all three measures of FB, and lower levels of financial hardship were related with improved health, QOL, and perceived stress outcomes. For self-reported health and perceived stress outcomes, all of the effects of patient paid leave operate indirectly through reductions in FB. For QOL outcomes, there is both a direct effect (over 80%) of paid leave and an indirect effect through reduction of FB. Conclusion We found that paid leave affected health outcomes for BMT patients mostly through alleviating FB. These findings suggest universal paid leave policies in the US might alleviate financial hardship and have positive effects on the self-reported QOL of employed patients facing intensive medical treatments.

Although the number of women studying economics has increased, survey results are used to argue that feminism has had little impact on scholarship in economics. The reasons for this lack of impact are explored and analyzed.

One main effort of welfare reform is to replace public assistance with earnings. To date, politicians and welfare reform advocates have applauded the efforts and claimed success. However, lurking at the surface of welfare-to-work policies are serious problems and structural impediments. Lack of jobs, low pay, job-readiness, and difficulties in securing ancillary supports like transportation and child care are obvious problems that are not easily resolved. However, a deeper and usually unaddressed problem is that the jobs low-income women take (or need) are not mother ready. Full-time low-wage work does not provide enough income to support families, nor does it accommodate the demands that full-time parents have. These problems plague welfare-to-work efforts and make life very difficult for poor, single-mother families. At the same time, they create an opportunity to consider the value of caregiving work and to reform the nature of low-wage work.

One main effort of welfare reform is to replace public assistance with earnings. To date, politicians and welfare reform advocates have applauded the efforts and claimed success. However, lurking at the surface of welfare-to-work policies are serious problems and structural impediments. Lack of jobs, low pay, job-readiness, and difficulties in securing ancillary supports like transportation and child care are obvious problems that are not easily resolved. However, a deeper and usually unaddressed problem is that the jobs low-income women take (or need) are not mother ready. Full-time low-wage work does not provide enough income to support families, nor does it accommodate the demands that full-time parents have. These problems plague welfare-to-work efforts and make life very difficult for poor, single-mother families. At the same time, they create an opportunity to consider the value of caregiving work and to reform the nature of low-wage work.