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The gender employment gap is a widespread reality, albeit with significant differences between the Global North and South. In Europe, the World Economic Forum, in 2024, has predicted this gap may close in 134 years. Eurostat and the Gender Equality Index show that since 2010 gender equality in labour has been progressing slowly. National statistics show that some states perform better (e.g. Spain) than others (e.g. Italy). Substate statistics may show reverse situations in wealthy regions (e.g. Catalonia and South Tyrol). Although statistics have begun adopting an intersectional approach regarding, e.g. age, origins, and disability, they offer a limited picture. Moreover, statistics are stuck in the binary division of sex assigned at birth without considering the growing (i.e. more visible) nonbinary population. Hence, they conceal that part of the gender gap that refers to LGBTQIA+ individuals. In this frame, this article uses an intersectional lens to explore how gender, ethnicity, race, and other social drivers and external factors impact the gender employment gap even in wealthy regions with low unemployment rates. Simultaneously, it suggests expanding the understanding of the gender employment gap by including the perspective of LGBTQIA+ individuals, who, like women, remain among those sectors of society that are underrepresented in the labour market. This research ultimately contributes to the understanding of how a wide array of social drivers and external factors may eventually feed the gender employment gap into a vicious circle by considering factors, such as antigypsyism or gender-based violence, that are usually dealt with separately.

The intersection of gender and ethnicity or race lies at the root of structural discrimination and racist practices for accessing the labor market and in the workplace. This discrimination is particularly evident for women and LGBTQIA+ individuals who either belong to ethnic minorities or are migrants. However, numerous other social drivers (e.g., age, class, origins) and external factors (e.g., prejudices, gender‐based violence) further hinder their participation in the work domain and their attainment of fair labor conditions. This article explores how gender, ethnicity, and race intersect and operate with other conditions and factors to perpetuate the precarity and exploitation of women and LGBTQIA+ individuals who find themselves at the nexus of varied intersectional axes. The discussion centers around two neoliberal substate units in the Global North (South Tyrol, in Italy, and Catalonia, Spain) that register low unemployment rates and high rates of migration and that are home to historical, linguistic, and ethnic minorities. This empirical article provides for an informed debate on the lived experience of precarity and exploitation of women and LGBTQIA+ workers, and an analysis of how neoliberal substate units’ labor and gender policies could be reformed.

This article argues that the (Western-oriented) right to religion has been proven inadequate in protecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights. It recognizes that this is partly because of the distinctive characteristics of Indigenous religions, which differ from other dominant religions, but also because of the way in which religion has been used by colonialism with dramatic effects on Indigenous Peoples and their beliefs, spiritualities, and worldviews. The article focuses on Latin America to argue further that in addition to colonialism, the early Constitutions also attacked Indigenous religions. As Indigenous rights are more acknowledged in Latin America, we take this region as an excellent, albeit painful, example of how Indigenous religions have been pushed aside even in the most positive contexts. The article uses the constitutional and legal arrangements in Latin American states, mainly Ecuador and Bolivia, to critically assess the protection that these favorable to Indigenous Peoples legal systems’ guarantee to Indigenous rights despite a persistent implementation gap. Also, this article highlights the weaknesses of the international system in mitigating the manifold threats that Indigenous Peoples have to face on a daily basis in their struggle to maintain and transmit their religions and spirituality, including the assault of other religions and sects into their communities and the so-called neo-extractivism. The article finally draws some concluding remarks and recommendations on how to improve the freedom of and violations from religion(s) of Indigenous Peoples in the context of Latin America as well as international law more broadly.

This book delves into the reasons behind and the consequences of the implementation gap regarding the right to prior consultation and the Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) of Indigenous Peoples in Latin America. In recent years, the economic and political projects of Latin American States have become increasingly dependent on the extractive industries. This has resulted in conflicts when governments and international firms have made considerable investments in those lands that have been traditionally inhabited and used by Indigenous Peoples, who seek to defend their rights against exploitative practices. After decades of intense mobilisation, important gains have been made at international level regarding the opportunity for Indigenous Peoples to have a say on these matters. Notwithstanding this, the right to prior consultation and the FPIC of Indigenous Peoples on the ground are far from being fully applied and guaranteed. And, even when prior consultation processes are carried out, the outcomes remain uncertain. This volume rigorously investigates the causes of this implementation gap and its consequences for the protection of Indigenous Peoples' rights, lands, identities and ways of life in the Latin American region.

En 2008, bajo la presidencia de Michelle Bachelet, el Convenio N.169 de la Organización Internacional de Trabajo (OIT) fue, por fin, ratificado por Chile. La entrada en vigor del Convenio N.169 el año siguiente aumentó especialmente el debate acerca del derecho a la consulta reconocido en el artículo 6 del Convenio con diversas consecuencias. A nivel legislativo, la adopción de un reglamento fue debatido por las organizaciones indígenas por reducir el alcance del derecho a la consulta. A nivel administrativo, las oficinas de la Comisión Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena (CONADI) realizaron diversas consultas. Al mismo tiempo, algunas Cortes de Apelaciones empezaron a aplicar este mismo derecho en unos Recursos de Protección presentados por comunidades indígenas. Por lo tanto, este artículo examina cómo se ha reconocido y aplicado el derecho a la consulta en Chile en los últimos tres años (2009–2012) a nivel legislativo, administrativo y jurisprudencial a través el análisis de las fuentes normativas, de los actos y reglamentos administrativos y de unos de los fallos más importante en materia. English: In 2008, under the presidency of Michelle Bachelet, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No.169 was finally ratified by Chile. Its entry into force the year after particularly fuelled the debate on the right to consultation recognized in article 6 of the Convention 169. This caused different consequences. At legal level, the adoption of a decree was contested by indigenous organizations to reduce the impact of the right to. At administrative level, some regional offices of 'Comisión Nacional de Desarrollo Indígena '(CONADI) realized some consultations. During the same period, some Court of Appeals started to apply the right to consultation in 'Amparo 'cases brought before the courts by the indigenous communities. Thus, this article tackles how the right to consultation has been recognized and applied in Chile in the last three years (2009–2012) at legal, administrative and jurisprudential level. The legislative framework, administrative acts and regulations, and the most relevant case law in the subject will be thus analyzed and assessed.

In the current era of land grabbing and extractivism, political participation of indigenous peoples in their national and local affairs appears to be the crucial right to guarantee the exercise of their other rights. In the last decades, un bodies have increasingly stressed the need to improve indigenous participation in their domestic political arenas. How indigenous political participation may be recognised, operationalised, and exercised as a right, and be effective, however, remains to be discussed. Against this background, this article elaborates a proposal for a holistic approach to the right to political participation of indigenous peoples and demonstrates how it is rooted in international law, international human rights law, and international indigenous law.