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This collective volume – with contributions from experts on these regions – examines broader questions about the current crises (the Great Recession and the Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promoting future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining such issues as changes in citizens’ democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the socio-demographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics.

Copper sulfate (CuSO 4 ) is widely used in agriculture as a pesticide and foliar fertilizer. However, the possible environmental risks associated with CuSO 4 use, particularly related to pollinating insects, have been poorly studied. In this study, we evaluated both lethal and sublethal effects of CuSO 4 on the stingless bee Partamona helleri . Foragers were orally exposed to five concentrations of CuSO 4 (5000, 1666.7, 554.2, 183.4, 58.4 μg mL −1 ), and the concentration killing 50% (LC 50 ) was estimated. This concentration (142.95 μg mL −1 ) was subsequently used in behavioral, midgut morphology, and antioxidant activity analyses. Bee mortality increased with the ingestion of increasing concentrations of CuSO 4 . Ingestion at the estimated LC 50 resulted in altered walking behavior and damage to the midgut epithelium and peritrophic matrix of bees. Furthermore, the LC 50 increased the catalase or superoxide dismutase activities and levels of the lipid peroxidation biomarker malondialdehyde. Furthermore, the in situ detection of caspase-3 and LC3, proteins related to apoptosis and autophagy, respectively, revealed that these processes are intensified in the midgut of treated bees. These data show that the ingestion of CuSO 4 can have considerable sublethal effects on the walking behavior and midgut of stingless bees, and therefore could pose potential risks to pollinators including native bees. Graphical abstract

The 2015-2019 left-wing government alliance in Portugal merits attention for several reasons, of which four stand out. First, because, if it worked well, it may offer a solution to the crisis affecting social-democratic parties by pushing them back to the left. Second, because it may offer the radical left greater influence. Third, because existing studies offering comprehensive overviews of the Portuguese case tend to be descriptive in nature. Fourth, because existing studies that are more analytical and explanatory in nature tend to be rather limited in their scope. This study offers an original contribution in that it uses empirical data and takes a comprehensive, analytical and explanatory approach. We argue that the crisis was an important factor in changing old patterns of coalition politics on the Left in Portugal, both because it brought the socialists and radical left parties together in government, and because these changes were very important in guiding the socialists to shift in their policy orientations. Broadly, we argue that the new patterns of coalition politics on the Left and an increased influence of the radical left on domestic politics offer a means of renewing and rejuvenating social democratic parties in Portugal and elsewhere.

This study analysed perceived exertion (RPE) and blood lactate ([La−]) responses to two resistance training protocols planned with high- (HLI) and low-load intensities combined with blood flow restriction (LLI+BFR). Fourteen trained adults (26.2 ± 2.6 years) performed the HLI and LLI+BFR protocols 48 h apart. The HLI was planned with 70% 1RM (one repetition to maximum), three sets, 12 repetitions, 60 seconds (s) of rest between sets and 120 s between exercises; LLI+BFR was performed at 30% 1RM, for three sets, 15 repetitions, and with 30 s of rest between sets and 180 s between exercises. Blood samples (for [La−] analysis) and RPE (Borg 0–10 scale) were collected in the first minute after each exercise. A two-way ANOVA compared RPE and [La−] responses between exercises in the same protocol, and between protocols comparing the same exercise. RPE increased from the first to the last half (involving upper-limbs and lower-limbs) of exercises in both protocols (p < 0.001). All exercises in HLI elicited higher RPE values than LLI+BFR (p < 0.001). Average RPE scores were higher in HLI than for LLI+BFR (8.1 ± 0.6 > 6.2 ± 1.1, p < 0.001). The [La−] also increased throughout the exercises, with a higher peak response in LLI+BFR than for HLI (9.8 ± 1.6 > 7.2 ± 1.3 mmol × L−1, p < 0.01). Perceptual and metabolic responses during HLI and LLI+BFR training were distinguishable, despite both protocols characterising a high-intensity stimulus.

Resistance training (RT) can induce cardiovascular overload, especially at high intensities. Blood flow restriction (BFR) has emerged as a low-load alternative that is potentially effective and safe, although its hemodynamic and respiratory effects remain controversial. The aim of this study was to compare cardiovascular responses between a high-load RT session (RT_HL; 70% of one repetition maximum-1RM) and a low-load session combined with BFR (RT_LL+BFR; 30% 1RM). Nineteen trained men (24.3 ± 3.9 years; 177.7 ± 6.3 cm; 84.7 ± 13.0 kg) performed the RT_HL and RT_LL+BFR protocols, with eight exercises for each protocol. The following variables-heart rate (HR), percentage of maximum heart rate (%HRmax), systolic blood pressure (SBP), diastolic blood pressure (DBP), and rate pressure product (RPP)-were assessed during the protocols. Both protocols significantly increased HR (pre: 74 ± 8 bpm; post: RT_HL = 142 ± 9 bpm; RT_LL+BFR = 133 ± 6 bpm; < 0.01), %HRmax (RT_HL = 72 ± 5%; RT_LL+BFR = 69 ± 4%; < 0.01), SBP (RT_HL = 144 ± 6 mmHg; RT_LL+BFR = 140 ± 6 mmHg; < 0.05), and RPP (RT_HL = 20,469 ± 1620; RT_LL+BFR = 18,637 ± 1253; < 0.01) compared to resting values. No variable exceeded safety thresholds for RPP (<30,000; %HRmax < 75%), and DPB showed a slight elevation in both conditions ( < 0.05), but without differences between protocols ( = 0.28). Exercise load intensity was an important determinant of hemodynamic responses, but BFR elicited comparable stimuli with low load, thereby emphasizing improved safety to traditional high-load-intensity training.

Objective To examine the association between cough peak flow (CPF) and dysphagia risk in patients with acute brain injury. Design Observational, analytical, cross‐sectional study. Setting A university hospital located in the northeastern region of Brazil. Participants A sample of 108 adult patients diagnosed with acute brain injury (stroke or traumatic brain injury) was examined. The mean age of the participants was 53.4 ± 15.2 years, with 64% of the subjects being male. The patient’s swallowing assessments and CPF measurements were obtained during the patient’s stay in the hospital. Main Outcome Measures The severity of dysphagia risk was evaluated through the implementation of a bedside clinical swallowing protocol. The measurement of CPF was conducted by means of a portable peak expiratory flow meter. Logistic regression and receiver operating characteristic (ROC) curve analyses with bootstrap resampling were used to analyze the relationship between CPF and dysphagia risk. Additionally, secondary associations with age and body mass index were examined using the Spearman rank correlation test. Results Dysphagia risk was identified in 44% of patients. A cutoff value of 202 L/min on the CPF predicted dysphagia risk with 82% sensitivity and 83% specificity. A lack of statistically significant disparities in CPF was observed across different lesion types. The present study demonstrated a strong negative correlation between CPF and dysphagia risk (ρ = −0.791, p < 0.001). Conclusions The CPF demonstrated high sensitivity and specificity in identifying patients at dysphagia risk following acute brain injury. Its ease of use and noninvasive nature make it a promising adjunctive screening tool for clinical swallowing evaluations.

This article seeks to show that the relative weight of social factors in explaining individual left-right self-placement, vis-a-vis values and partisan loyalties, is very important, contrary to the poor results shown by prior studies. The bias in previous literature was due to the fact that the models used for social factors were underspecified: they included only structural and organizational dimensions and ignored social identity. However, when the model was correctly specified by adding indicators of social identity, it was possible to reach an opposite conclusion. The cases studied were 12 western European countries (Portugal, Spain, France, Great Britain, Germany, Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, Denmark, Belgium, Sweden, and Ireland) in 1990 and 1999. /// Cet article cherche à prouver que le poids relatif des facteurs sociaux dans l'explication de l'auto-placement individuel sur une échelle gauche-droite, face aux valeurs et fidélités partisanes, est très important, à l'inverse des faibles résultats montrés par des études antérieures. Le biais dans la littérature précédente était dû au fait que les modèles de facteurs sociaux ont été définis de manière restreinte: ils ont inclus seulement les dimensions structurales et organisationnelles et ont ignoré les identités sociales. Cependant, lorsque le modèle a été correctement spécifié en y ajoutant des indicateurs des identités sociales, il a été possible d'obtenir des conclusions opposées. Les cas concernent douze pays européens occidentaux (Portugal, Espagne, France, Grande-Bretagne, Allemagne, Autriche, Italie, Pays-Bas, Danemark, Belgique, Suède et Irlande) en 1990 et 1999.

This collective volume - with contributions from experts on these regions - examines broader questions about the current crises (The Great Recession and The Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promote future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining issues such as changes in citizens' democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the sociodemographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics.

Most research on policy congruence has failed to provide an explanation for it. Party characteristics are acknowledged to be relevant, but the literature has not achieved a consensus as to their effective importance. Nor has there thus far been an analysis of the implications for results of using different methods to assess congruence. The present article seeks to test the importance of party type (catchall versus ideological) for an explanation of levels of intra-party congruence, with a control using the main congruence-assessment methods. The article focuses on the Portuguese party system and makes use of a set of 19 policy issues across two dimensions: socioeconomic left–right and libertarian–authoritarian (plus left–right self-placement), which introduces additional controls of the assessment of party-type relevance. As far as we know, such an in-depth analysis of party-type congruence has not been done before. Findings support the notion that Portuguese catchall parties tend to display higher levels of MP–voter congruence than ideological parties, but the type of policy issue is also relevant: levels of congruence diverge across parties depending on the issue at stake. These results were supported by the different methods used. La plupart des recherches sur la congruence politique peinent à en fournir une explication. Les caractéristiques des partis sont reconnues pour être pertinentes, mais la littérature n'est pas tombée d'accord sur leur importance effective. Il n'y a jusqu'à présent pas eu non plus d'analyse des implications à utiliser des méthodes différentes pour évaluer la congruence. Le présent article cherche à tester l'importance du type de parti (attrape-tout ou idéologique) pour expliquer les niveaux de congruence au sein du parti, avec un contrôle utilisant les principales méthodes d'évaluation de la congruence. L'article se concentre sur le système de parti portugais et utilise un ensemble de 19 enjeux de politique sur deux dimensions : socio-économique et libertaire-autoritaire (plus un autopositionnement sur une échelle gauche-droite), ce qui introduit des contrôles supplémentaires de l'évaluation de la pertinence du type de parti. Pour autant que nous sachions, une analyse si approfondie de la congruence du type de parti n'a pas été faite auparavant. Les résultats révèlent que les partis portugais attrape-tout ont tendance à afficher des niveaux plus élevés de congruence députés-électeurs que les partis idéologiques, mais les types de sujet politique valent aussi : les niveaux de congruence divergent suivant les partis selon la question en jeu. Ces résultats sont démontrés quelles que soient les différentes méthodes utilisées. La mayoría de la investigación sobre la congruencia política no ha sido capaz de proveer una explicación para la misma. Las características de los partidos se reconocen como relevantes pero no se ha logrado consenso en la literatura respecto de su verdadera importancia. Tampoco hasta ahora se ha hecho un análisis de las implicancias en los resultados de utilizar métodos diversos para evaluar la congruencia. Este artículo busca probar la importancia del tipo de partido (atrápalo-todo versus ideológico) para explicar los niveles de congruencia interna de los partidos utilizando como control los principales métodos de \"evaluación de congruencia\". El artículo se centra en el sistema de partidos Portugués y utiliza un conjunto de 19 temas de política pública a través de dos dimensiones: la socioeconómica izquierda-derecha y libertaria-autoritaria (más la auto ubicación en izquierda-derecha), lo que introduce controles adicionales a la relevancia de la evaluación por tipo de partido. Hasta donde sabemos, este tipo de análisis en profundidad sobre la congruencia por tipo de partido no se ha realizado con anterioridad. Los hallazgos apoyan la noción de que en Portugal los partidos atrápalo-todo (también conocidos como partidos escoba) tienden a mostrar mayores niveles de congruencia entre los parlamentarios-votantes que entre los de los partidos ideológicos, pero el tipo de materia de política también es relevante: los niveles de congruencia divergen entre los partidos dependiendo del asunto de que se trate. Estos resultados fueron apoyados por los diferentes métodos utilizados.

Neurocritical patients (NCPs) in the intensive care unit (ICU) rapidly progress to respiratory and peripheral muscle dysfunctions, which significantly impact morbidity and death. Early mobilization in NCPs to decrease the incidence of ICU–acquired weakness has been showing rapid growth, although pertinent literature is still scarce. With this review, we summarize and discuss current concepts in early mobilization of critically ill patients within the context of neurologic pathology in NCPs. A narrative synthesis of literature was undertaken trying to answer the following questions: How do the respiratory and musculoskeletal systems in NCPs behave? Which metabolic biomarkers influence physiological responses in NCPs? Which considerations should be taken when prescribing exercises in neurocritically ill patients? The present review detected safety, feasibility, and beneficial response for early mobilization in NCPs, given successes in other critically ill populations and many smaller intervention trials in neurocritical care. However, precautions should be taken to elect the patient for early care, as well as monitoring signs that indicate interruption for intervention, as worse outcomes were associated with very early mobilization in acute stroke trials.