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This chapter seeks to trace the changes in India’s cultural landscape under neoliberal globalization over the last two decades. In exploring the political sociology of globalization, the chapter links cultural change to shifting political preferences of India’s vast middle classes—the chief economic and political base of globalization. It argues that, in the first decade, the middle classes supported the economic opportunities ushered in by globalization but resented its cultural costs. The homogenizing pressures of globalization elicited a conservative middle-class reaction instrumental in the rise to prominence of right-wing political groups who vowed to resist Western cultural onslaught. In the

Why do some pro-poor democracies in global South enact generous and universal social policies accompanied by empowering outcomes while others, similar in many ways, do not? If lower-class integration and programmatic commitment steers policy outcomes to be more egalitarian, what explains the variance in redistributive commitment within the cluster of radical democracies? These questions are examined in the context of two celebrated cases of pro-poor reform in the developing world: the Indian states of Kerala and West Bengal. Despite a host of similar background conditions (democratic framework, programmatic political parties, strong labor unions, and a high degree of subordinate-class integration), the cases display considerable variation in their redistributive commitment. Using the comparative-historical method, this dissertation seeks to explain the variance. It argues that the welfare divergences of Kerala and West Bengal are a function of their divergent modes of lower-class integration. In Kerala, a radical-mobilizational mode of lower-class integration has organized the poorer sections of the working classes—landless laborers and informal sector workers—in autonomous class organizations. This has enabled them to vigorously assert their interests within the working-class movement and harness state power to advance their interests through a wide range of legislative protections and statutory entitlements. In contrast, a clientelist-corporatist mode of lower-class integration in West Bengal relies on dependent mobilization of the poorer sections, without effective self-representing class organizations and without the strategic capacity to pursue class action independent of middle-class collaborators. These distinct modes of lower-class integration engender qualitatively different state-poor relationships and, in turn, divergent visions of social citizenship. The origins of these distinct modes are then traced to their historical and peculiar patterns of class formation, class struggle, and class compromise. This dissertation provides nuance to the welfare-state literature by proposing analytical differentiation within a subset of radical democracies and then by specifying the conditions under which lower-class power and state power can be harnessed to create more redistributive and empowering social outcomes in the global South. It also makes a contribution in linking agrarian labor movements to the nature of welfare regimes and more broadly to social citizenship.

The Immigration and Refugee Board requires the Tibetan asylum- seekers to have an M-1 medical clearance before their hearing dates can be set. This is arbitrary as no other claimants are required to complete a medical exam to have a hearing date, not to speak of an M- 1 clearance, which indicates the highest level of medical fitness. To add to their sorrows, the Minister of Immigration's representative is intervening in each case where a Tibetan has made a refugee claim, something that is unusual during refugee hearings, unless issues of national security and/or identity are involved. The minister's representative has also intervened in the applications for landed-immigrant status to question identity documents produced by the Tibetans on the pretext that these are documents issued by the Tibetan government in exile and that it is not recognized by any government in the world.

India has made substantial progress in improving child survival over the past few decades, but a comprehensive understanding of child mortality trends at disaggregated geographical levels is not available. We present a detailed analysis of subnational trends of child mortality to inform efforts aimed at meeting the India National Health Policy (NHP) and Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) targets for child mortality. We assessed the under-5 mortality rate (U5MR) and neonatal mortality rate (NMR) from 2000 to 2017 in 5 × 5 km grids across India, and for the districts and states of India, using all accessible data from various sources including surveys with subnational geographical information. The 31 states and groups of union territories were categorised into three groups using their Socio-demographic Index (SDI) level, calculated as part of the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study on the basis of per-capita income, mean education, and total fertility rate in women younger than 25 years. Inequality between districts within the states was assessed using the coefficient of variation. We projected U5MR and NMR for the states and districts up to 2025 and 2030 on the basis of the trends from 2000 to 2017 and compared these projections with the NHP 2025 and SDG 2030 targets for U5MR (23 deaths and 25 deaths per 1000 livebirths, respectively) and NMR (16 deaths and 12 deaths per 1000 livebirths, respectively). We assessed the causes of child death and the contribution of risk factors to child deaths at the state level. U5MR in India decreased from 83·1 (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 76·7–90·1) in 2000 to 42·4 (36·5–50·0) per 1000 livebirths in 2017, and NMR from 38·0 (34·2–41·6) to 23·5 (20·1–27·8) per 1000 livebirths. U5MR varied 5·7 times between the states of India and 10·5 times between the 723 districts of India in 2017, whereas NMR varied 4·5 times and 8·0 times, respectively. In the low SDI states, 275 (88%) districts had a U5MR of 40 or more per 1000 livebirths and 291 (93%) districts had an NMR of 20 or more per 1000 livebirths in 2017. The annual rate of change from 2010 to 2017 varied among the districts from a 9·02% (95% UI 6·30–11·63) reduction to no significant change for U5MR and from an 8·05% (95% UI 5·34–10·74) reduction to no significant change for NMR. Inequality between districts within the states increased from 2000 to 2017 in 23 of the 31 states for U5MR and in 24 states for NMR, with the largest increases in Odisha and Assam among the low SDI states. If the trends observed up to 2017 were to continue, India would meet the SDG 2030 U5MR target but not the SDG 2030 NMR target or either of the NHP 2025 targets. To reach the SDG 2030 targets individually, 246 (34%) districts for U5MR and 430 (59%) districts for NMR would need a higher rate of improvement than they had up to 2017. For all major causes of under-5 death in India, the death rate decreased between 2000 and 2017, with the highest decline for infectious diseases, intermediate decline for neonatal disorders, and the smallest decline for congenital birth defects, although the magnitude of decline varied widely between the states. Child and maternal malnutrition was the predominant risk factor, to which 68·2% (65·8–70·7) of under-5 deaths and 83·0% (80·6–85·0) of neonatal deaths in India could be attributed in 2017; 10·8% (9·1–12·4) of under-5 deaths could be attributed to unsafe water and sanitation and 8·8% (7·0–10·3) to air pollution. India has made gains in child survival, but there are substantial variations between the states in the magnitude and rate of decline in mortality, and even higher variations between the districts of India. Inequality between districts within states has increased for the majority of the states. The district-level trends presented here can provide crucial guidance for targeted efforts needed in India to reduce child mortality to meet the Indian and global child survival targets. District-level mortality trends along with state-level trends in causes of under-5 and neonatal death and the risk factors in this Article provide a comprehensive reference for further planning of child mortality reduction in India. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation; and Indian Council of Medical Research, Department of Health Research, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India.

Introduction: Dental caries in the adult population that require preventive and therapeutic treatment are generally neglected in rural communities. The determination of the effectiveness of the application of 38% silver diamine fluoride (SDF) in arresting caries lesions when combined with atraumatic restorative treatment (ART) is very important, as it serves as a preventive and restorative procedure to regain the function of the permanent dentition. The assessment of optimal SDF application with ART, in comparison with ART alone, in managing cavitated carious lesions in a pragmatic setting, is the need of the hour to recommend optimal dental care, especially in rural settings which have minimal access to comprehensive dental care. Methods and Analysis: The clinical trial will enrol 220 adults (18–65 years) with cavitated carious lesions attending the Amrita School of Dentistry in the Ernakulam district, India. This study is a randomized, controlled trial with a 1:1 allocation ratio in two parallel groups. Study arm 1 will receive 38% SDF application and ART, and study arm 2 will receive ART only. A digital radiograph will be taken immediately after restoration (baseline) as well as at the end of the 6th month for evaluation of caries arrest. The assessment of the survival of the restoration will be done on the 7th day, 30th day, and at the end of the 6th month. The final analysis would include both the tooth and person levels. Ethics and Dissemination: This trial adheres to the principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and the guidelines of the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR). This study protocol has been approved by the Institutional Review Board. This trial has been registered prospectively with the Clinical Trial Registry of India (Registration No: CTRI/2021/12/038816).