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This is a bold new study of the recent emergence of democracy in Latin America. Leonardo Avritzer shows that traditional theories of democratization fall short in explaining this phenomenon. Scholars have long held that the postwar stability of Western Europe reveals that restricted democracy, or \"democratic elitism,\" is the only realistic way to guard against forces such as the mass mobilizations that toppled European democracies after World War I. Avritzer challenges this view. Drawing on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas, he argues that democracy can be far more inclusive and can rely on a sphere of autonomous association and argument by citizens. He makes this argument by showing that democratic collective action has opened up a new \"public space\" for popular participation in Latin American politics. Unlike many theorists, Avritzer builds his case empirically. He looks at human rights movements in Argentina and Brazil, neighborhood associations in Brazil and Mexico, and election-monitoring initiatives in Mexico. Contending that such participation has not gone far enough, he proposes a way to involve citizens even more directly in policy decisions. For example, he points to experiments in \"participatory budgeting\" in two Brazilian cities. Ultimately, the concept of such a space beyond the reach of state administration fosters a broader view of democratic possibility, of the cultural transformation that spurred it, and of the tensions that persist, in a region where democracy is both new and different from the Old World models.

Some claim that an erosion of democracy is occurring worldwide. There are also questions on the scope of the crisis, which countries are affected, and how to reverse it. The Covid-19 pandemic may have fostered disagreements, deepened rifts, and contributed to the definitive crystallisation of the crisis, but it may also have engendered more moderate and compliant attitudes given the need to unify around the response to common threat. We explore the current dilemmas of democracy in the Brazilian case, focusing on how regime legitimacy, authoritarian attitudes, and support for a populist, authoritarian leader interact and are affected by the pandemic, using public opinion data from 2018 to 2020.

Abstract Brazil became a reference case of social participation after the success of participatory budgeting during the early 90s. The standard theory of the success of participation points to its positive impact on the political system. However, since 2013 Brazil has been experiencing some important changes regarding both participation and representation. In regard to representation, the strengthening of conservative forces in Congress is taking place because of a large increase in private financing. We are also seeing that participation alone cannot change the composition of the system of representation. The events that occurred in Brazil in June 2013, which led to changes in the patterns of social participation, have attracted attention worldwide. The aim of this paper is to analyze these changes in Brazil and point out how they influenced the country’s political system and impacted the organization of Brazilian democracy. The data show how MPL presented its demands without politicizing them, keeping itself a single-issue movement (Figure 1). They also show how MBL politicized the movement (Figure 2), transforming it into an anti-corruption movement positioned against president Dilma Rousseff. Resumen Brasil se ha convertido en una referencia en lo que respecta a la participación social luego del éxito del presupuesto participativo en los inicios de los años noventa. La teoría más difundida sobre el éxito de la participación destaca su impacto positivo en el sistema político. Sin embargo, Brasil ha experimentado algunos cambios importantes tanto en el nivel de la participación como en el de la representación desde 2013. Por un lado, con respecto a la representación, ha tenido lugar un fortalecimiento de fuerzas conservadoras en el Congreso, debido a un enorme aumento del financiamiento privado. Se observa también que la participación no puede por sí sola transformar la composición del sistema de representación. Por otro lado, Brasil ha atraído la atención del mundo entero por los acontecimientos ocurridos en junio de 2013, que produjeron cambios en los patrones de participación social. El propósito de este artículo es analizar ambos cambios en Brasil y mostrar cómo los mismos han influido en el sistema político del país e impactado en la organización de la democracia brasileña. Los datos muestran como el MPL presentó sus demandas sin politizarlas (Figura 1) y como el MBL politizó las demandas hechas en junio del 2013 (Figura 2) transformándolas en un movimiento contra la corrupción y contra la presidente Dilma Rousseff. Resumo O Brasil se tornou uma referência na participação social após o sucesso do orçamento participativo no início dos anos 1990. A teoria padrão do sucesso da participação aponta seu impacto positivo sobre o sistema político. No entanto, o Brasil tem experimentado algumas mudanças importantes no nível tanto de participação como de representação desde 2013. No que diz respeito à representação, o fortalecimento das forças conservadoras no Congresso está ocorrendo devido a um aumento no financiamento privado. Estamos vendo também que a participação por si só não pode mudar a composição do sistema de representação. O Brasil atraiu a atenção mundial de eventos ocorridos em junho de 2013, o que causou mudanças nos padrões de participação social. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as mudanças no Brasil e apontar como elas influenciaram o sistema político do país e afetaram a organização da democracia brasileira. Os dados mostram a forma como o MPL apresentou as suas demandas sem politizá-las (Figura 1) e como o MBL politizou as demandas feitas em junho de 2013 (Figura 2) organizando um movimento contra a corrupção e contra a presidente Dilma Rousseff. Résumé Le Brésil est devenu une référence dans la participation sociale après le succès du budget participatif pendant le début des années 1990. La théorie traditionnelle sur le succès de la participation indique son effet positif sur le système politique. Cependant, le Brésil a connu quelques changements importants soit au niveau de la participation, soit au niveau de la représentation dès 2013. En ce qui concerne la représentation, le renforcement des forces conservatrices au Congrès se déroule en raison d’une augmentation considérable des financements privés. On constate également que la participation seule ne peut pas changer la composition du système de représentation. Le Brésil a attiré l’attention du monde entier à la suite des événements survenus en juin 2013, qui ont entraîné des changements dans les schémas de participation sociale. L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser ces deux changements au Brésil et d’indiquer comment ils ont influencé le système politique du pays et ont affecté l’organisation de la démocratie brésilienne. Les données montrent de quelle façon le MPL a présenté ses demandes sans les politiser (Figure 1) et comment le MBL a politisé les demandes faites en juin 2013 (Figure 2) organisant alors un mouvement contre la corruption et contre la présidente Dilma Rousseff.

O conceito de sociedade civil é bastante contestado no seu uso e na sua capacidade de explicação analítica. Reelaborado na teoria democrática nos anos 1990, ele tem sido bastante utilizado no Brasil em diferentes acepções. Alguns autores defendem o seu uso, tal como estabelecido na sociologia-política norte-americana (Cohen e Arato) enquanto outros criticam a ideia da autonomia social a ele inerente. Neste artigo, descrevo o surgimento da sociedade civil no Brasil durante os anos setenta e analiso suas principais áreas de atuação durante sua primeira fase. Analiso também uma segunda fase de interação entre Estado e sociedade civil, mostrando a existência de uma interdependência entre ambos. The concept of civil society is essentially contested in its capacity to explain modern societies. It has been re-elaborated during the early nineties and in its renewed version has been employed in Brazil. A few authors defend its analytical use within the new anglo-saxon model provided by Cohen and Arato whereas other authors criticized the idea of social autonomy. In this article I will describe the emergence of civil society in Brazil during the late seventies and will approach its main area of social action during this first stage. I will also approach a second phase in civil society organization in which it moved to a strategy of inter-dependency with the state.

How has Brazil's civil society shaped the institutional framework for new policymaking venues? Institutionalism and civil society theories offer partial explanations of institutional innovations under the current democratic regime. The concept of participatory publics can overcome the limitations of each approach and can demonstrate how the expansion of Brazil's civil society led to the creation of participatory, deliberative policymaking institutions. Participatory publics comprise organized citizens who seek to overcome social and political exclusion through public deliberation, accountability, and implementation of their policy preferences. Participatory budgeting in the municipalities of Porto Alegre, Belo Horizonte, and Recife shows how civil society organizations and political reformers interact to implement new policymaking systems.

RESUMO O presente artigo procura mostrar de que modo o giro da accountability na democracia brasileira favoreceu o surgimento de inovações institucionais no sistema judicial, propiciando uma espécie de pretorianismo jurídico. Este, por sua vez, desembocou em um cenário de criminalização da atividade política que coloca em risco a democracia brasileira. Particularmente, a partir da análise da condução da Operação Lava Jato, os autores buscam demonstrar deslocamentos conceituais no campo da representação e do interesse público e a correlata tensão entre controle político e soberania que se estabelece como um dos principais desafios para a democracia brasileira atualmente, diante do tipo de protagonismo que o Poder Judiciário, o Ministério Público e a Polícia Federal assumiram na condução das estratégias de combate à corrupção por parte do Estado. RESUMEN El presente artículo pretende mostrar hasta qué punto el cambio de rumbo de la accountability en la democracia brasileña ha favorecido el surgimiento de innovaciones institucionales en el sistema judicial, propiciando una especie de pretorianismo jurídico que ha desembocado en un escenario de criminalización de la actividad política que pone en riesgo a la democracia brasileña. En concreto, a partir del análisis de la conducción de la Operación Lava Jato, los autores quieren demostrar la existencia de cambios conceptuales en el campo de la representación y del interés público, y la consecuente tensión entre control político y soberanía que se revela como uno de los principales desafíos actuales para la democracia brasileña, ante la clase de protagonismo que el Poder Judicial, el Ministerio Público y la Policía Federal han asumido en la conducción de las estrategias de lucha contra la corrupción por parte del Estado. ABSTRACT The following article seeks to demonstrate how the shift toward accountability to have permeated Brazilian democracy favored the emergence of institutional innovations in the judicial system, promoting a kind of legal Praetorianism. Such Praetorianism, in turn, led to a criminalization of political activities which has shaken the very foundations of Brazilian democracy itself. With a focus on analyzing the Operação Lava Jato [Operation Car Wash] scandal, the authors seek to demonstrate conceptual shifts in the field of representation and public interest. The resultant tension produced between political control and sovereignty is one of the main challenges currently faced by Brazilian democracy, in light of the leading role assumed by the Judiciary Branch, the Public Prosecutor, and the Federal Police in the State’s employment of strategies to target corruption. RÉSUMÉ Le présent article souhaite montrer de quelle manière la montée en puissance de l’accountability dans la démocratie brésilienne a favorisé l’éclosion d’innovations institutionnelles au sein du système judiciaire pour créer une sorte de prétorianisme juridique à la base d’une criminalisation croissante de l’activité politique mettant en péril la démocratie brésilienne. C’est en particulier à partir de l’analyse de l’Opération Lava Jato que les auteurs ont cherché à montrer les altérations conceptuelles intervenues dans le champ de la représentation et de l’intérêt public, et la tension conséquente entre contrôle et souveraineté qui se manifeste aujourd’hui comme l’un des principaux défis de la démocratie brésilienne. Il s’agit ainsi de mettre en lumière l’intense activité du Pouvoir judiciaire, du Ministère public et de la Police fédérale dans le cadre des stratégies de lutte contre la corruption adoptées par l’État.

This is a bold new study of the recent emergence of democracy in Latin America. Leonardo Avritzer shows that traditional theories of democratization fall short in explaining this phenomenon. Scholars have long held that the postwar stability of Western Europe reveals that restricted democracy, or \"democratic elitism,\" is the only realistic way to guard against forces such as the mass mobilizations that toppled European democracies after World War I. Avritzer challenges this view. Drawing on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas, he argues that democracy can be far more inclusive and can rely on a sphere of autonomous association and argument by citizens. He makes this argument by showing that democratic collective action has opened up a new \"public space\" for popular participation in Latin American politics.

Pretendo neste artigo entender a democracia no Brasil como constituída a partir de movimentos pendulares. Iremos analisar de forma institucional a organização tanto das estruturas democráticas quanto das estruturas antidemocráticas no Brasil. O meu argumento é que a institucionalidade brasileira possui amplas vias não eleitorais ou contra eleitorais de acesso ao poder que são utilizadas de tempos em tempos.