Explore the vast range of titles available.

This study proposes and applies a novel method for empirically evaluating the role of social structure in the school sorting process. We use administrative records from Baltimore City and suburban Baltimore County public elementary schools (2011 to 2015) to generate a network of schools based on student transfers. We then apply repeated calculations of the Louvian method of community detection to estimate emergent sets of schools that similar parents are likely to consider—which we term emergent consideration sets—and use gravity models to explore the role of social structure, demographics, and geography in observed enrollment patterns. We find that our network-derived emergent consideration sets are better defined by structural boundaries than by student composition or proficiency alone. Within consideration sets, students tend to avoid schools with relatively higher levels of free-and reduced-price meal eligibility and flock toward schools with higher proficiency levels. School racial composition, however, plays a much smaller role in predicting movement between schools, in part because structural constraints generate racially homogeneous consideration sets. Together, these findings highlight how regional social and geographic organization shapes school segregation processes and the policies used to combat them.

In this study, we propose and test a mechanism for the effect of neighborhood of residence on school outcomes: absenteeism that results from exposure to danger on the way to school. We first determine the most efficient route to school using public transportation for 4,200 first-time freshmen in Baltimore City public high schools. Then, we link the specific streets along the most efficient route to incident-level crime data from the Baltimore Police Department. We find that students whose estimated routes require walking along streets with higher violent-crime rates have higher rates of absenteeism throughout the year. We also show that absenteeism is not associated with exposure to dangerous streets while riding on public transit and exposure to property crime.These conclusions hold with and without adjustments for student demographic characteristics, prior school attendance, violent crime around homes and schools, and unobserved differences related to school preference and neighborhood selection.

Research shows that exposure to local neighborhood violence is associated with students’ behavior and engagement in the classroom. Given the social nature of schooling, these symptoms not only affect individual students but have the potential to spill over and influence their classmates’ learning, as well. In this study, I use detailed administrative data from five complete cohorts of students in the Chicago Public Schools (2002 to 2010), crime data from the Chicago Police Department, and school-level surveys conducted by the University of Chicago Consortium on Chicago School Research to assess the strength of this peer effect. The estimated negative relationship between peer exposure to neighborhood violent crime and individual achievement is substantial and remains after adjusting for other peer characteristics and student fixed effects. Surveys suggest these results are related to trust, discipline, and safety concerns in cohorts with larger proportions of students from violent neighborhoods.

Educational outcomes vary dramatically across schools in the United States. Many underperforming schools, especially in Chicago, also deal with high levels of violent crime on school grounds. Exposure to this type of frequent violence may be an important factor shaping already disadvantaged students' educational experiences. However, estimating the effect of school violence on learning is difficult due to potential selection bias and the confounding of other school-level problems. Using detailed crime data from the Chicago Police Department, complete administrative records from the Chicago Public Schools, and school climate surveys conducted by the Consortium on Chicago School Research (2002-2010), this study exploits variation in violent crime rates within schools over time to estimate its effect on academic achievement. School and neighborhood fixed-effects models show that violent crime rates have a negative effect on test scores, but not on grades. This effect is more likely related to direct reductions in learning, through cognitive stress and classroom disruptions, than changes in perceived safety, general school climate, or discipline practices.

Alarge body of research documents the importance of early experiences for later academic, social, and economic success. Exposure to an unsafe neighborhood is no exception. Living in a violent neighborhood can influence the stress levels, protective behaviors, and community interactions of both parents and children in ways that generate cumulative educational disadvantage. Using nine years (2002–2011) of detailed crime data from the Chicago Police Department and longitudinal administrative data from the Chicago Public Schools, I estimate the influence of early exposure to neighborhood violence on growth in standardized test scores over time. Student fixed effects are included to remove any bias due to constant differences between students. The results show that children from more violent neighborhoods fall farther behind their peers from safer neighborhoods as they progress through school. These effects are comparable in size to the independent association with socioeconomic disadvantage and an annual measure of more recent neighborhood violence exposure.

Large urban school districts are increasingly offering their students options that break the link between residential location and school attendance. Individual decisions are likely to aggregate in different ways across communities, leaving students in some neighborhoods with more varied educational experiences. In this paper, I explore these patterns using a complete cohort of Chicago Public School high school freshmen in 2009 (N = 24,019) and explore the characteristics of different schools that students living in the same neighborhood attend. Students in poor and violent neighborhoods attend schools that are more heterogeneous in terms of type, achievement, safety, and student demographics. Students from these neighborhoods also scatter geographically to schools across the city, many traveling quite long distances. In contrast, students from safe and affluent neighborhoods attend many fewer schools, are less likely to make long distance trips, and are more likely to attend school with a large proportion of their neighbors.

Much of the literature on racial and ethnic educational inequality focuses on the contrast between black and Hispanic students in urban areas and white suburban students. This study extends the research on school segregation and racial/ethnic disparities by highlighting the importance of rural areas and regional variation. Although schools in rural America are disproportionately white, they nevertheless are like urban schools, and disadvantaged relative to suburban schools, in terms of poverty and test performance. Native Americans are most affected by rural school disadvantage. While they are a small share of students nationally, Native Americans are prominent and highly disadvantaged in rural areas, particularly in certain parts of the country. These figures suggest a strong case for including rural schools in the continuing conversations about how to deal with unfairness in public education.

Schools often mirror the communities in which they are located. Research on rural-urban school inequality tends to focus on the contrast among urban, suburban, and rural schools, glossing over the variation and similarities within these areas. We provide a richer description of the spatial distribution of educational inequality by examining school composition, achievement, and resources in all U.S. public elementary schools in 2010–2011. We take the traditional census categories derived from residential and commuting patterns, and apply them to schools across the country in analyses that reveal gradual transitions and blurry boundaries among the traditional zones. The results show high levels of variation within the suburbs and substantial commonality between rural and urban areas and suggest that census-defined metropolitan areas are not ideal when considering the geography of educational opportunity.

The challenge of a long and difficult commute to school each day is likely to wear on students, leading some to change schools. We used administrative data from approximately 3,900 students in the Baltimore City Public School System in 2014-2015 to estimate the relationship between travel time on public transportation and school transfer during the ninth grade. We show that students who have relatively more difficult commutes are more likely to transfer than peers in the same school with less difficult commutes. Moreover, we found that when these students change schools, their newly enrolled school is substantially closer to home, requires fewer vehicle transfers, and is less likely to have been included among their initial set of school choices.