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The Gulf War
2024
President George H. W. Bush assumed office at a critical
juncture, as the Cold War came to an end and the world shifted to a
new era of international relations. In The Gulf War ,
Spencer Bakich argues that Bush fashioned a grand strategy to bring
about a New World Order designed to transform international
politics by focusing on great power cooperation through the United
Nations. The Persian Gulf War became the chance for Bush to put his
strategy into action. This latest volume in the Landmark
Presidential Decision series offers a fresh and concise look at
President Bush's strategic decision making and his choice to wage
war against Iraq.
Bakich, an expert in wartime strategy, traces the ideas and
actions of Bush's new world order strategy between 1989 and 1991,
which had a profound impact on the diplomacy of Desert Shield and
the warfighting of Desert Storm. Bush's strategic beliefs contained
core elements of Wilsonian internationalism-specifically its goals
of promoting democracy, conducting multilateral diplomacy through
international institutions, and transforming the United Nations
into the collective security institution that its founders
envisioned. His \"New World Order\" was not mere political
sloganeering intended to bolster support for the Persian Gulf War
among a skeptical American public. Rather, Bush intended the Gulf
War to exercise and firmly establish the UN's collective security
function in the post-Cold War era.
In this bold new interpretation of George H. W. Bush's foreign
policy, Bakich challenges conventional wisdom, arguing that Bush's
New World Order was carefully defined and had a comprehensive
logic. He shows how Bush's strategic beliefs oriented American
statecraft in peace and war. Bush's grand strategy was remarkably
coherent, powerfully affecting how his administration decided to go
to war to evict Iraq from Kuwait, how it waged war in the Persian
Gulf, and ultimately the reasons why the fighting was terminated
before the coalition's war aims were completely achieved. In the
end, the Gulf War's outcome exposed faulty assumptions about the
international system that underpinned the strategy, weakening the
president's fidelity to his own approach. Ultimately, the Gulf War
did usher in a New World Order, but not the one Bush had
envisioned.
Valerii Pereleshin
Olga Bakich's biography of Valerii Pereleshin (1913-1992) follows the turbulent life and exquisite poetry of one of the most remarkable Russian émigrés of the twentieth century. Born in Irkutsk, Pereleshin lived for thirty years in China and for almost forty years in Brazil. Multilingual, he wrote poetry in Russian and in Portuguese and translated Chinese and Brazilian poetry into Russian and Russian and Chinese poetry into Portuguese. For many years he struggled to accept and express his own identity as a gay man within a frequently homophobic émigré community. His poems addressed his three homelands, his religious struggles, and his loves. InValerii Pereleshin: The Life of a Silkworm, Bakich delves deep into Pereleshin's poems and letters to tell the rich life story of this underappreciated writer.
The Gulf War : George H. W. Bush and the American grand strategy in the post-Cold War era
by
Bakich, Spencer D., author
in
Bush, George, 1924-2018 Military leadership.
,
Persian Gulf War, 1991 Causes.
,
Persian Gulf War, 1991 Diplomatic history.
2024
\"As the latest volume in the Landmark Presidential Decisions series, The Gulf War provides a fresh and concise look at George H. W. Bush's strategic decision making. Spencer Bakich, an expert in wartime strategy, makes three principal arguments about George H. W. Bush's choice for war to reverse Iraq's August 1990 invasion of Kuwait. First, from 1989-1991 Bush articulated and implemented a coherent \"New World Order\" grand strategy that sought to promote democracy and free trade through extensive multilateral diplomacy and enhanced American leadership. Second, Bush's New World Order grand strategy powerfully affected the international coalition's coercive diplomacy campaign (Desert Shield) and warfighting strategy (Desert Storm). Third, the Gulf War's outcome exposed faulty assumptions about the international system that underpinned Bush's grand strategy, weakening the president's fidelity to his own approach. In the absence of strong presidential advocacy for the New World Order grand strategy, alternative visions of American statecraft emerged from the national security bureaucracy. Against the argument that the New World Order concept was ill-defined or mere political sloganeering, Bakich highlights its comprehensive grand strategic logic and show how Bush's strategic beliefs oriented American statecraft in peace and war. Ultimately, the Gulf War did usher in a new world order, but it was not the one Bush anticipated\"-- Provided by publisher.
Observation of a new structure near 10.75 GeV in the energy dependence of the e+e−→ ϒ (nS)π+π− (n = 1, 2, 3) cross sections
by
Shebalin, V.
,
Jin, Y.
,
Ye, H.
in
Classical and Quantum Gravitation
,
Cross-sections
,
Dependence
2019
A
bstract
We report a new measurement of the
e
+
e
−
→
ϒ(
nS
)
π
+
π
−
(
n
= 1
,
2
,
3) cross sections at energies from 10
.
52 to 11
.
02 GeV using data collected with the Belle detector at the KEKB asymmetric-energy
e
+
e
−
collider. We observe a new structure in the energy dependence of the cross sections; if described by a Breit-Wigner function its mass and width are found to be
M
=
10752.7
±
5.9
−
1.1
+
0.7
MeV
/
c
2
and
Γ
=
35.5
−
11.3
−
3.3
+
17.6
+
3.9
MeV, where the first error is statistical and the second is systematic. The global significance of the new structure including systematic uncertainty is 5.2 standard deviations. We also find evidence for the
e
+
e
−
→
ϒ (1
S
)
π
+
π
−
process at the energy 10
.
52 GeV, which is below the
B
B
¯
threshold.
Journal Article
Did You Speak Harbin Sino-Russian?
2011
Pidgins—their development, disappearance, or subsequent creolisation—are a fascinating phenomenon in the parts of the world that experienced long-term foreign intrusion and its consequences, one of which was contact between two or more linguistic groups, usually of unequal power. Colonisers did not learn the language of the colonised, who often were perceived as inferior, while the colonised people did not or could not master a foreign language in their own country. In most cases, pidgins were a telltale sign of colonialism. Linguists classify these contact languages, which have no native speakers, into major groups named after the dominant base, such as English-, Portuguese-, Spanish-, Dutch-, French-, or Russian-, as well as African-, Asian-, and Austronesian-based.
Journal Article