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Advocates within the human rights movement have had remarkable success establishing new international laws, securing concrete changes in human rights policies and practices, and transforming the terms of public debate. Yet too often, the strategies these advocates have employed are not broadly shared or known. Campaigning for Justice addresses this gap to explain the \"how\" of the human rights movement. Written from a practitioner's perspective, this book explores the strategies behind some of the most innovative human rights campaigns of recent years. Drawing on interviews with dozens of experienced human rights advocates, the book delves into local, regional, and international efforts to discover how advocates were able to address seemingly intractable abuses and secure concrete advances in human rights. These accounts provide a window into the way that human rights advocates conduct their work, their real-life struggles and challenges, the rich diversity of tools and strategies they employ, and ultimately, their courage and persistence in advancing human rights.

The term “harmful traditional practices” typically brings to mind child marriage, female genital mutilation/cutting, and so-called “honor killings,” but rarely corporal punishment. Yet corporal punishment is arguably the most pervasive harmful traditional practice children experience today. In nearly every part of the world, parents use physical punishment to “discipline” their children. Such corporal punishment typically takes the form of hitting a child with a bare hand or an object such as a stick or paddle. A 2014 survey found that four of every five children between the ages of two and 14—an estimated 1 billion globally—experience physical punishment in their home on a regular basis (UNICEF 2014, 96). The practice of corporal punishment is rooted in both cultural norms and religious belief. Parents often believe that corporal punishment will teach children good behavior. They hit their children because it is socially accepted and because they themselves often were hit growing up. Some religious teachings appear to justify the practice. The adage “spare the rod, spoil the child,” rooted in the Old Testament Book of Proverbs, suggests not only that corporal punishment of children is permitted, but also that it is expected of good parents. Influenced by English common law, during the twentieth century, more than 70 countries enshrined the rights of parents to “reasonable chastisement” in their legal codes (Global Initiative 2015a). Social norm theory suggests that ending harmful practices depends on changing collective beliefs about the acceptability and efficacy of the practice, and that legal reform is of limited utility, or even counterproductive (Mackie and LeJeune 2009). Experience around female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C), for example, has found that extended local dialogue about community values can lead to voluntary abandonment of FGM/C (Gillespie and Melching 2010). Legal reform as a strategy to end FGM/C has generally been ineffective or simply driven the practice underground. As long as FGM/C remains the norm for most families, individual parents will continue to have their daughters cut, perceiving the social inclusion that FGM/C offers to outweigh the risks of potential prosecution. Some scholars find that only when attitude change is already underway is legal reform effective in reinforcing new norms (Shell-Duncan et al. 2103). In contrast to the experience of challenging other harmful traditional practices, this paper argues that legal reform, when accompanied by public education, can be an effective strategy to end the corporal punishment of children. Evidence from multiple countries has found that when corporal punishment is prohibited by law, changes in attitudes and practices follow. Nearly all the countries that have prohibited corporal punishment have done so ahead of public opinion (Global Initiative 2017, 12). Yet change in practice and attitudes following legal reform can be both swift and dramatic.

Advocates within the human rights movement have had remarkable success establishing new international laws, securing concrete changes in human rights policies and practices, and transforming the terms of public debate. Yet too often, the strategies these advocates have employed are not broadly shared or known. Campaigning for Justice addresses this gap to explain the \"how\" of the human rights movement. Written from a practitioner's perspective, this book explores the strategies behind some of the most innovative human rights campaigns of recent years. Drawing on interviews with dozens of experienced human rights advocates, the book delves into local, regional, and international efforts to discover how advocates were able to address seemingly intractable abuses and secure concrete advances in human rights. These accounts provide a window into the way that human rights advocates conduct their work, their real-life struggles and challenges, the rich diversity of tools and strategies they employ, and ultimately, their courage and persistence in advancing human rights.

Ebola virus disease (EVD) is a filoviral infection caused by virus species of the Ebolavirus genus including Zaire ebolavirus (EBOV) and Sudan ebolavirus (SUDV). We investigated the safety and immunogenicity of a heterologous prime-boost regimen involving a chimpanzee adenovirus 3 vectored Ebola vaccine [either monovalent (cAd3-EBOZ) or bivalent (cAd3-EBO)] prime followed by a recombinant modified vaccinia virus Ankara EBOV vaccine (MVA-EbolaZ) boost in two phase 1/1b randomized open-label clinical trials in healthy adults in the United States (US) and Uganda (UG). Trial US (NCT02408913) enrolled 140 participants, including 26 EVD vaccine-naïve and 114 cAd3-Ebola-experienced participants (April-November 2015). Trial UG (NCT02354404) enrolled 90 participants, including 60 EVD vaccine-naïve and 30 DNA Ebola vaccine-experienced participants (February-April 2015). All tested vaccines and regimens were safe and well tolerated with no serious adverse events reported related to study products. Solicited local and systemic reactogenicity was mostly mild to moderate in severity. The heterologous prime-boost regimen was immunogenic, including induction of durable antibody responses which peaked as early as two weeks and persisted up to one year after each vaccination. Different prime-boost intervals impacted the magnitude of humoral and cellular immune responses. The results from these studies demonstrate promising implications for use of these vaccines in both prophylactic and outbreak settings.

THE NUMBER OF CHILD SOLDIERS IN ASIA IS SECOND ONLY to that in Africa. Although precise figures are impossible to establish, the number of child soldiers in the region is likely to exceed 75,000. Child soldiers have participated in several of the region’s ongoing armed conflicts, including those in Afghanistan, Burma, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka, and the recently ended conflict in Nepal. As in other regions, myriad factors contribute to the recruitment and participation of children in Asia’s armed conflicts. These include poverty, displacement, and a lack of schooling or work opportunities, separation from family, or an abusive family