Search Results Heading

MBRLSearchResults

mbrl.module.common.modules.added.book.to.shelf
Title added to your shelf!
View what I already have on My Shelf.
Oops! Something went wrong.
Oops! Something went wrong.
While trying to add the title to your shelf something went wrong :( Kindly try again later!
Are you sure you want to remove the book from the shelf?
Oops! Something went wrong.
Oops! Something went wrong.
While trying to remove the title from your shelf something went wrong :( Kindly try again later!
    Done
    Filters
    Reset
  • Discipline
      Discipline
      Clear All
      Discipline
  • Is Peer Reviewed
      Is Peer Reviewed
      Clear All
      Is Peer Reviewed
  • Series Title
      Series Title
      Clear All
      Series Title
  • Reading Level
      Reading Level
      Clear All
      Reading Level
  • Year
      Year
      Clear All
      From:
      -
      To:
  • More Filters
      More Filters
      Clear All
      More Filters
      Content Type
    • Item Type
    • Is Full-Text Available
    • Subject
    • Publisher
    • Source
    • Donor
    • Language
    • Place of Publication
    • Contributors
    • Location
38 result(s) for "Behr, Hartmut"
Sort by:
A history of international political theory : ontologies of the international
\"Contemporary theory of international politics faces a twofold problem: the critical engagement with legacies of national power politics in connection to 20th Century International Relations and the regeneration of notions of humanity. This book contributes to this engagement by a genealogy of thoughts on war, peace, and ethics\"--Provided by publisher.
Technocracy and the Tragedy of EU Governance
In a historical perspective, technocracy, emphasising bureaucratic and technical expertise in political, social and economic areas, is a double edge sword: on the one side, it guaranteed the condition for international cooperation post-WW II, providing as an ideologically neutral basis the condition for governance in a politically bitter international climate. On the other hand, it indicates the tragedy of increasing delegitimization of EU governance, causing the alienation of political willing from the peo-ple that is (mis-)used by populists present-day and their slogan ‘back to the people’. Technocracy is theoretically symbolised through the functionalism of EU integration, politically manifest in the re-definition of democracy from “input”- to “output”-orientation by e.g. Fritz Scharpf. The tragedy of EU politics being trapped in technocratic governance as condition of the possibility and calamity of coop-eration at the same time is analytically at the heart to understand contemporary approaches of EU (dis-)integration and identity. However, in both understanding alienation and (populist) opposition to the EU integration processes as systemic phenomena, deeply seeded in the structure of the EU and of EU policy studies themselves, as well as in suggesting a triangular democratic process to rectify the EU’s birth deficit, the paper significantly goes beyond current policy studies (e.g. on EU dis-integration) and their non-normative stance. These studies are still anchored in the epistemological commitments of neo-functionalism that need finally to be overcome as they tend to ignore the human factor and agency in politics.
The European Union in the Legacies of Imperial Rule? EU Accession Politics Viewed from a Historical Comparative Perspective
International Relations benefits from historical comparative research. Although a historical comparative method can be fruitfully applied to the study of the European Union (EU), it is rarely undertaken. In this article, EU accession politics, particularly its 2004 enlargement, is compared with 19th century `standards of civilization' developed by European states concluding treaties with non-European nations. This article argues that EU accession politics operates in the legacies of 19th-century imperial rule. Understanding the EU in terms of an (new) empire might enrich the discussion of the perception and categorization of the EU as an international order.
Scientific Man vs. Power Politics: A Pamphlet and Its Author between Two Academic Cultures
Hans Morgenthau's Scientific Man vs. Power Politics appeared in 1946, one year after he received tenure at the University of Chicago. Thus, the monograph demarcates the beginning of Morgenthau's career in the United States, to which he had emigrated nine years earlier. Three main aspects seem important for understanding this work. The first is Morgenthau's bewilderment about American political culture and, as he perceived it, its cheerful optimism about the betterment of politics, society, and humanity in general. The second aspect is the nature of the argument: Scientific Man is a dogmatic tract, an attempt to hammer home certain philosophical positions—positions that were largely unpopular in the U.S. social sciences in the 1940s (and later)—rather than a reflective scholarly elaboration of certain philosophical commitments. The third is Morgenthau's place between two academic cultures: Morgenthau's language in his American writings partly stems from, but also tries to leave behind, his European academic socialization. The monograph thus reflects the author's peculiar situation, as he inhabits two sometimes crucially different semantic and cultural contexts, but fails to bridge or broker them.
Die Antiterrorismuspolitik der UN seit dem Jahr 2001
UN Counter-Terrorism policy is politically embedded in, and framed by, the UN Charter, the UN human rights and refugee conventions, and by the individual resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council that reiterate the fundamental principles of these frameworks beyond their individual purposes and targets. Strategically, we have observed multiple efforts over the past decade to strengthen global, regional, and local institutions and their cooperation in countering terrorism and violent extremism as well as the interweaving between, and collaboration of, different policy areas. This strategic emphasis is due to the increasingly obvious network character of terrorist groups and their activities.
‘Common sense’, Thomas Reid and realist epistemology in Hans J. Morgenthau
We find in the work of the Scottish Enlightenment philosopher Thomas Reid and the International Relations scholar Hans J. Morgenthau similar epistemological commitments, a similarity that allows an interlocution across centuries, identifying both as representatives of anti-empiricist, anti-rationalist and anti-idealist political theory. Thereby, both share an understanding of ‘common sense’ as a means to defend humanity. At the same time, however, their ‘common sense’-based epistemological realism appears responsible for a noetic limitation of their political philosophies. This article argues that this becomes obvious in the oeuvre of Morgenthau looking at three examples: his use of the terms of ‘power’ and ‘interest’; his use of ‘objectivity’; and the theory-practice relation underlying his work.
Misreading in IR theory and ideology critique: Morgenthau, Waltz and neo-realism
This article is interested in the hegemony which neo-realism accomplished during the second half of the 20th century in both the academic field and policy making of I/international R/relations. Our examination posits the argument that neo-realism can be seen as an ideology rather than a theory of international politics. While this view can connect to individual voices from the 1960s as well as to an emerging body of critical literature since the 1990s, we propose an ideology critique to explore this argument. To unfold this approach we will elaborate some neo-realist misreadings which we think manipulate intellectual history (among others, the writings of Hans J. Morgenthau) and represent an ideological impact intrinsic in the development of IR. An ideology critical approach – which is inherent in Morgenthau's thoughts on international theory themselves and thus helps to reveal profound discrepancies at the heart of an ostensible ‘realist’-neo-realist ‘unity’ – has, firstly, to problematise those discrepancies and, secondly, to focus on hegemonic strategies applied to ideologise and mainstream the academic field. The first part of such an agenda is what we present here; the second part is what we outline methodologically and suggest for further studies in, and of, IR.
Realism reconsidered: New contexts and critiques
[...]history is not theorised as the achievement of a rational telos, but rather as a series of successive crises to be negotiated by prudent statecraft and citizenship. [...]modernity itself is identified as a crisis of meaning that realism, in common with other intellectual movements such as critical theory and poststructuralism, attempts to overcome.
Die Antiterrorismuspolitik der UN seit dem Jahr 2001
Die Antiterrorismuspolitik der Vereinten Nationen findet ihren politischen Rahmen in der UN-Charta, den Menschenrechtsübereinkommen, der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention sowie in Resolutionen der Generalversammlung und des Sicherheitsrats. Strategisch ist seit dem Jahr 2001 insbesondere ein Ausbau und eine zunehmende Vernetzung von globalen, regionalen und lokalen Institutionen sowie die Verschränkung von Politikfeldern zu beobachten. UN Counter-Terrorism policy is politically embedded in, and framed by, the UN Charter, the UN human rights and refugee conventions, and by the individual resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council that reiterate the fundamental principles of these frameworks beyond their individual purposes and targets. Strategically, we have observed multiple efforts over the past decade to strengthen global, regional, and local institutions and their cooperation in countering terrorism and violent extremism as well as the interweaving between, and collaboration of, different policy areas. This strategic emphasis is due to the increasingly obvious network character of terrorist groups and their activities.