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"Benner, Thorsten"
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Syrien, Irak, Ukraine–dies sind nur einige der Kriegsschauplätze, die die Welt gegenwärtig in Atem halten. In keinem dieser gewaltsamen Konflikte scheinen die Vereinten Nationen eine erfolgreiche Rolle als Friedensstifter oder Vermittler zu spielen. Wachsende geopolitische Spannungen schränken den Handlungsspielraum der Weltorganisation stark ein. Dies gilt vor allem für Krisen, die die vitalen Interessen von Großmächten betreffen wie in Syrien und in der Ukraine. Aber selbst wo kaum geopolitische Rivalitäten eine Rolle spielen, ist die UN-Krisendiplomatie durch zu hohen Erwartungen, die Macht lokaler Eliten und zu geringes Mobilisierungspotenzial eingeschränkt. Trotz dieser systemimmanenten Schwächen werden die UN weiterhin die letzte Instanz für die Krisenbewältigung bleiben.
Syria, Iraq, Ukraine–these are just a few of the crisis hotspots that challenge the United Nations. In none of these cases can the United Nations claim anything close to success. This article puts the problems of UN crisis diplomacy into perspective. Increasing geopolitical fissures have buried the liberal dream of a UN-centric order and contribute to the limits of action, especially in cases where the core geopolitical interests of key powers are at stake (like in Syria, Ukraine). But even where there is very limited geopolitical rivalry (e.g. South Sudan), crisis diplomacy is challenged by rising expectations of protection combined with insufficient means, the often underrated veto power of local elites as well as weaknesses of political mobilization. Despite its systemic weaknesses, the United Nations is unlikely to be challenged in its role as ›provider of last resort‹ in political and humanitarian crises.
Journal Article
Multisectoral Networks in Global Governance: Towards a Pluralistic System of Accountability
This paper outlines the elements of a pluralistic system of accountability with regard to one of the most ambitious institutional innovations in global governance: multisectoral public policy networks. These networks bring together the public sector (governments and international organizations), civil society and business around issues ranging from corruption, climate change and fighting malaria to environmental and labour standards. We argue that multisectoral networks should be embedded in a pluralistic system of accountability making use of a combination of accountability mechanisms on a number of dimensions (actors, process, outcomes). The paper discusses some of the key conceptual, empirical and practical challenges of a ‘learning model’ of accountability in networks.
Journal Article
Brasilien als Normunternehmer
Im September 2011 brachte Brasilien das Konzept der ›Verantwortung beim Schützen‹ (Responsibility While Protecting) in die Vereinten Nationen ein. Nach einem Jahr der Diskussion zeigt sich zweierlei: Zum einen hat Brasilien mit seinem Vorstoß die westliche Dominanz bei der globalen Normentwicklung auf produktive Weise aufgebrochen. Zum anderen wurde deutlich, dass das neue Konzept dazu dienen könnte, die weit auseinander liegenden Positionen in der globalen Diskussion um die Schutzverantwortung einander anzunähern.
In September 2011, Brazil introduced in the United Nations the initiative ‘Responsibility While Protecting’ (RWP). The article presents the contours of the RWP proposal and contextualizes the initiative in the light of Brazil’s long-standing aversion to interventionism (that has recently softened) as well as the heated debates on the Libya mandate and its implementation. It critically reviews the reactions by Western powers to the RWP proposal as well as the differing responses by India and South Africa on the one hand and by China and Russia on the other hand. The RWP concept has the potential of building bridges between opposing camps in the debate about the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P). However, at pre-sent it is unclear whether Brazil has the stamina to drive the concept forward and whether other countries will help flesh it out further. Just as a number of influential Western countries as well as India and South Africa have started to warm up to the concept, the Brazilian government seems to have lost interest in promoting it. RWP is a case in point for the future of global norm evolution after the end of unquestioned Western dominance in that field.
Journal Article
Forever Incomplete? Administrative Reform in the United Nations
The new General Secretary of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, has identified administrative reform as a priority of his term, & even Germany attributes the transformation of the secretariat increasing importance, as can be seen in the appointment of UN-veteran Karl Theodor Paschke as special ambassador. The chances for success in management reform depend on effective internal & external communication, persuasion of member states & a majority of associates, as well as removal of saboteurs of reform. A look at the mixed record of Annan's administrative reform efforts provides a better understanding of the chances & limitations of future reform efforts. While there was visible advancement in some areas, including the new Ethics bureau, there was considerably less advancement in the areas of procurement, personnel, & examination of UN mandates, & many efforts fell victim to the new cold war between north & south. The overcoming of this rift is also a priority for Ban-Ki-moon, though it is unclear at this point how successful he will be. Adapted from the source document.
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Ten Years following the Brahimi Report: Unsolved Challenges for UN Peacekeeping Forces
Ten years ago, in August 2000, the Panel on UN Peace Operations under the leadership of Lakhdar Brahimi presented its far-reaching conclusions in the \"Brahimi Report.\" In the report, the panel outlined ambitious reform goals for UN peace operations: realistic mandates, robust doctrines, rapid deployment of blue helmets & civilian professionals & a strengthening of the UN bureaucracy. A decade later, opinions are still divided as to whether these goals have indeed been met. The UN still lacks a common understanding of how \"robust\" peace operations should be. Despite a significant professionalization of the UN secretariat, core elements of the Brahimi agenda have yet to be implemented due to a lack of consensus among member states. This presents a serious threat to the instrument of peace operations. Adapted from the source document.
Journal Article
Seriously Overstretched. UN Peace Operations and the Protection of Civilians in Conflict Zones
Ten years ago, the UN Security Council committed itself to respond, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, to situations in which civilians have been targeted or humanitarian assistance has been deliberately obstructed. The record thus far is sobering: The promise of protecting civilians has often gone unfulfilled (as was the case during the 2008 Congo crisis). Member states need to act to address \"disconnect between mandates, intentions, expectations, interpretations and real implementation capacity\" that the UN Secretary-General outlined in his most recent report to the Security Council. In particular, far more investments in prevention and mediation as well as the capacity of missions on the ground -- in terms of availability, equipment, training, doctrine, and rules of engagement -- are urgently needed. Adapted from the source document.
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