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Set against a backdrop of austerity and neoliberal policies affecting many young people adversely, the Nuit Debout protest movement in France began in March 2016 when people gathered in public spaces to oppose the Socialist government’s plan to introduce neoliberal labour legislation. Like other post-2008 movements, Nuit Debout was leaderless, non-hierarchical, and relied on social media for political communication and to mobilise participants. The Nuit Debout was also a movement inspired by powerful moral-political emotions such as righteous anger and hope. In this article, the authors address two questions. First, what features of Nuit Debout distinguished it from earlier social movements in France? Second, what role did moral emotions play in mobilising people to act as they did? Drawing on interviews with young protestors and their own testimonies, we argue that Nuit Debout was a distinctive form of protest for France. One distinguishing feature was the way young people—the “precarious generation”—were motivated by a strong sense of situated injustice, much of which related to what they saw as the unfairness of austerity policies, being deprived of a decent future and the feeling they had been betrayed by governments.

This article was prompted by a Ministerial veto (2021) of the Australian Research Council’s decision to fund a research project by the authors to explore the student-led climate movement in Australia. It was also prompted by criticism of the veto which accused the Minister of bringing “politics” into what was represented as a scholarly matter. It addresses two questions: How should we understand this idea of “politics” in the context of Australian climate politics since the 1990s? Secondly it considers dominant ways of thinking about “the political” devised by ancient Greek writers and politicians which still inform the European liberal tradition. We question how fit for purpose this approach is in the Anthropocene? Our key argument is that the western tradition of thinking about “the political” is deeply anthropocentric. Historical traditions have encouraged inegalitarian and anti-democratic accounts of who can be political by excluding different kinds of people from political life. The Anthropocene requires a new, critically reflexive account of “the political” that is inclusive of people currently marginalized and excluded as well as nonhumans and nonliving components of ecosystems on which we all depend. This extends the idea of democracy beyond the human and points to a politics of climate justice.

The past few decades have brought to light increasing evidence of systemic and repeated institutional abuse of children and young people in many western nations. Government enquiries, research studies and media reports have begun to highlight the widespread nature of sexual, physical and emotional abuse of vulnerable children and young people. However, while public attention has focused on 'episodic-dramatic' representations of institutional abuse, comparatively little emphasis has been given to the more mundane, routinized and systemic nature of abuse that has occurred. This book documents comprehensively a full range of abuse occurring in 'caring' and 'protective' institutions, with particular reference to the Australian case. The dominant theme is 'betrayal' and in particular the ways in which agencies charged with the care and protection of children and young people become the sites of abusive practices. The authors draw on a range of theoretical frameworks to explore issues of trust and betrayal in the context of the professional and ethical obligations which workers have to those in their charge. The authors argue that it is not sufficient merely to report on accounts of institutional abuse or the consequences of particular practices; rather it is necessary to locate the prevalence of institutional abuse in the wider context of institutional practices as they relate to the 'governance' of particular sections of the population. Judith Bessant is Professor in the School of Social Science and Planning at Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology University, (RMIT), Melbourne, Australia. She teaches and researches in the areas of youth studies, social policy, history and sociology, and is the author of a number of books and many articles in national and international journals. Richard Hil is Senior Lecturer in the School of Social Sciences at Southern Cross University in New South Wales, Australia. Rob Watts is Professor of Social Policy in the School of Social Science and Planning, at Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology University, Australia. He is the author/co-author of Foundations of the National Welfare State (1987), Arguing About the Welfare State (1992), Sociology Australia (2003), and Talking Policy (2006). Contents: Introduction: Government, trust and institutional harm, Judith Bessant, Richard Hil and Rob Watts; Power and knowledge: the making and managing of the 'unfit', Susanne Davis; Dangerousness, surveillance and the institutionalised mistrust of youth, Peter Kelly; Trust, liberal governance and civilisation: the stolen generations, Robert Van Krieken; Trust us: indigenous children and the state, Ruth Webber and Sharon Lacy; 'White Australia' and the Third Reich: the history of child welfare, trust and racial government, 1930-1945, Rob Watts; The abuse of young people in Australia and the conditions for restoring public trust, Judith Bessant and Richard Hil; The lost children: child refugees, Moira Rayner; The myth of ADHD: psychiatric oppression of children, Bob Jacobs; Postscript: 'so how can we live together...?', Uschi Bay; Index.

There is an emergent interest by criminologists in theorising problems that arise when states breach conventional legal norms. This article considers the criminalisation of ‘whistleblowing’ by Manning, Assange and Snowden that revealed illegal actions by the state and major breaches of US and western security intelligence operations. The article asks what such developments mean for the conceptual and normative status of politics and crime constituted in the western liberal frame? It is about criminologists who rely on that paradigm and the need to counter neo-conservative agendas. The article analyzes liberal constitutional democracies with an emphasis on the US. It draws on the work of German theorists Schmitt and Benjamin who stand outside the liberal tradition to highlight how modern states frequently suspends the rule of law and relies on their own sovereign power to declare ‘states of emergency’ to render their own criminal conduct lawful.

To tackle these compounding challenges and take advantage of all that the 21st century has to offer, it will be necessary to draw on the power, ideas, and leadership capabilities of young people to reimagine and recreate a healthier, fairer, and just planet. Investments across adolescence—ie, the period between age 10 years and 24 years—will reap a triple dividend, with benefits for young people today, for the adults they will become, and for the next generation of children whom they will parent. Strengthen community systems that promote mental health and wellbeing Develop innovative approaches to address complex and emerging health threats in partnership with adolescents Against these advances, strikingly little progress has been made in reducing adolescent non-communicable diseases in every region of the world, with rises globally in obesity-related diseases and mental disorders in young people.

When COVID struck in March 2020, several million Australians were retrenched or had their working hours reduced. At the same time 4.3 million people or 32% of working Australians began 'working from home' digitally. Yet what happened was not simply the consequence of a rare epidemic that damaged a healthy economy. Rather, COVID impacted on a society already experiencing a decades-old process of major social, financial and technological disruption that is far from over.

This article begins by assessing the evidence that there was, and is, a skill shortage in Australia, and notes that for some years the Howard government initially denied there was a problem of unmet demand for skilled people. It was not until late 2006 that we saw any kind of official acknowledgement of a problem. On 12 October 2006, Prime Minister Howard announced a 'Skills for the Future' policy that involved a commitment to spend $837 million over five years, and aimed 'to help build a more highly skilled and responsive workforce to support Australia's long-term economic growth'. Acknowledging that policy-making begins with the framing or constitution of a problem, assessments are offered of this federal government's account of the 'skill shortage' problem. The questions posed in this article are: what policy initiatives during the Howard years were designed to address issues of training, and what was their potential for addressing the problem of an apparent shortage of skilled workers in Australia?

The Coalition parties campaigned on the need to create ‘real jobs’ during the 1996 Federal election. After a number of years in office joblessness, both for young people and prime age workers, remains as high as ever. Yet as major companies and government agencies continued to downsize their work force, the Coalition government decided to respond to this central social problem by introducing a ‘new’ plan that initially required some young people (between the age of 18–24 years) to work for their unemployment benefits. Those ‘eligible’ for participation in the program have been extended from its original ‘youth target’ to included older people. Prime Minister Howard maintained that his ‘work for the dole scheme’ will give priority to the long‐term unemployed and thereby help jobless young people, who he claims have lost the incentive to work and/or become welfare dependents, to re‐enter the labour market (DEETYA, 1998). In the first part of this article I query official justifications for the Australian workfare scheme; concentrating on the arguments for reciprocal obligation, I ask what those rationales indicate about government understandings of the causes of unemployment. In the later part of the article I assess the value of the scheme in terms of certain human rights criteria, arguing that it contravenes the Australian constitutions which prohibit any form of civil conscription. As I indicate, the workfare scheme provides little if any reasonable economic justifications, and none have been advanced by the Howard government. Although I concentrate on the Howard government's work‐for‐the‐dole policy initiative, it needs to be made clear that the principle of reciprocal obligation is not unique to the Liberal National Coalition government, it provides the basis for similar programs in the UK, USA and Canada. It was also embedded in the Keating Labor government's ‘Working Nation’ and has been practiced within many Aboriginal communities for many years.

Problems with contemporary conventional criminology are outlined & the potential for developing a critical, progressive criminology is explored. Traditional criminology's claims in three key areas -- reality, knowledge, & power -- & the challenges raised to these by several critical traditions -- symbolic interactionism, Marxist, & feminism -- are reviewed. Ways that the critical tradition of postmodernism or postructuralism -- referred to here as \"postfoundationalism\" -- might fare better in revitalizing conventional criminology are considered, & directions for a progressive politics tied to progressive social action regarding crime & its control are outlined. 80 References. K. Hyatt Stewart