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Measuring and comparing levels of violence against women across individuals or countries are controversial exercises, and yet they remain essential to understanding the phenomenon. We develop a scale of severity of violence against women based on fuzzy set theory. The scale can be used to derive fuzzy indexes of violence which account for the prevalence, frequency and severity of violence. Unlike existing alternatives, however, the scale that we propose is based on objective information rather than subjective assessment; it is parsimonious in terms of the amount of information that it requires; and it is less vulnerable to risks of cultural bias. We exploit our scale to unravel a puzzle which arises from the largest survey of violence against women in Europe to date, namely that some of the more gender equal countries record higher prevalence rates for violence from intimate partners. We show that the puzzle is resolved once violence is weighted by severity using our scale instead of being measured by simple prevalence.

The book presents state of the art research on women's current position in European labour markets. It combines analysis of the latest trends in employment, occupational segregation, working time, unpaid work, social provisions (especially care provisions) and the impact of the financial crisis, with overall assessment of the actual impact of the European Employment Strategy and the specific impact of key policies, such as taxation and flexicurity.

The use of regulation of sex work is undergoing sweeping changes across Europe and client criminalization is becoming very widespread, with conflicting claims about the intended and actual consequences of this policy. We discuss changes in demand for paid sex accompanying the criminalization of prostitution in the United Kingdom, which moved from a relatively permissive regime under the Wolfenden Report of 1960, to a much harder line of aiming to crack down on prostitution with the Prostitution (Public Places) Scotland Act 2007 and the Policing and Crime Act of 2009 in England and Wales. We make use of two waves of the British National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (NATSAL2, conducted in 2000–2001 and NATSAL3, conducted in 2010–2012) to document the changes in both the amount of demand for paid sex and in the type of clients that have taken place across the two waves, and their possible implications for policies that frame prostitution as a form of crime.

The aim of this paper is to investigate which factors influence the pattern of enforcement (violation) of basic rights among women trafficked for sexual exploitation. A conceptual framework is adopted where the degree of agency and the possibility to influence the terms of sex-based transactions are seen as conditional on the enforcement of some basic rights. Using data collected by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) on women assisted by the organization after having been trafficked for sexual exploitation, we investigate the enforcement (violation) of five uncompromisable rights, namely the right to physical integrity, to move freely, to have access to medical care, to use condoms, and to exercise choice over sexual services. By combining classification tree analysis and ordered probit estimation we find that working location and country of work are the main determinants of rights enforcement, while individual and family characteristics play a marginal role. Specifically, we find that (1) in lower market segments working on the street is comparatively less ‘at risk’ of rights violation; (2) there is no consistently ‘good’ or ‘bad’ country of work, but public awareness on trafficking within the country is important; (3) the strength of organised crime in the country of work matters only in conjunction with other local factors, and (4) being trafficked within one’s country, as opposed to being trafficked internationally, is associated with higher risk of rights violation.

In this paper we address two related questions: first, why does the inverse relationship between female participation and fertility appear to have broken down on a cross-country basis in the Western industrialised nations and, second, why has Mediterranean Europe contributed to this breakdown with its combination of record low fertility and low participation? We re-examine the cross-country fertility-participation nexus from a long-term perspective and verify that there are no longer reasons to expect a systematic inverse relationship to hold for developed countries. We argue further that differences in participation and fertility reflect differences in the ‘economics of the family’ across countries. In Mediterranean countries, the combination of low fertility and low participation is favoured by a family-centred welfare system, a family-biased production system and a family-oriented value system. And, contrary to widespread expectations, a very cohesive family has encouraged very low fertility.

In this paper 2 related questions are addressed: 1. Why does the inverse relationship between female participation and fertility appear to have broken down on a cross-country faces in the Western industrialized nations? 2. Why has Mediterranean Europe contributed to this breakdown with its combination of record low fertility and low participation. The cross-country fertility-participation nexus is re-examined from a long-term perspective, and it is verified that there are no longer reasons to expect a systematic inverse relationship to hold for developed countries. It is further argued that differences in participation and fertility reflect differences in the economics of the family across countries. Contrary to widespread expectations, a very cohesive family has encouraged very low fertility.

Economists' contest on labour market flexibility has quickly pivoted around the stylised trade off between more flexibility and growth on the one hand and increased inequality of income on the other, the welfare implications of this trade off being too often assumed rather than verified. This article uses the essays collected in the Special Issue on Labour Markets and Flexibility in the 1990s of the International Review of Applied Economics to challenge the terms of this trade off as well as the related welfare assumptions. Some of the most popular tenets in the literature are assessed in the light of the evidence and the arguments put forward by the authors contributing to the Special Issue, in particular, the notion that the European labour market is rigid, the contention that more flexibility is imposed by international competition, or that labour market regulation weakens both employment and output growth, the belief that the main welfare cost of flexibility is increased inequality of earnings or the fear that flexibility may be primarily 'female'.

We develop a scale of severity of violence against women based on fuzzy set theory. The scale can be used to derive fuzzy indexes of violence which account for the prevalence, frequency and severity of violence. Using the results of the survey conducted by the European Agency for Human Rights (FRA) we find strong congruence of ranking between the proposed scale and three widely used alternatives – the Conflict Tactic Scale, The Severity of Violence Against Women Scale and the Index of Spouse Abuse. Unlike existing alternatives, however, the scale that we propose is based on objective information rather than subjective assessment; it is parsimonious in terms of the amount of information that it requires; and it is less vulnerable to risks of cultural bias. As an example of the uses to which fuzzy measurement of violence can be put, we compute fuzzy indexes of intimate partner violence for European countries and find a clear, inverse correlation across countries with the degree of gender equality.

In this paper we take a fresh look at the magnitude of the trade-off between caring informally for a parent and paid work. We adopt a simultaneous approach with a primary focus on how hours of care are influenced by hours of work rather than the other way round. We also investigate the role that filial obligations play in choices of caring versus working. Using the SHARE data (2004 and 2006) we find that the elasticity of informal care hours in response to working hours is around -0.18, small but not negligible. Moreover, we find that a one point decrease out of a seven point index measuring the strength of filial obligations reduces weekly hours of care by about one hour and half.