Explore the vast range of titles available.

This paper argues that in their criticism of Socrates's prospective evasion, the Laws of the Crito make two arguments relevant to the discussion of the ethics of migration, labeled here the \"Argument from Parentage\" and the \"Argument from Corruption.\" When considered from the perspective of liberal democracies, those arguments help us realize that political communities should be considered as a subject of justice in migration alongside individuals, and that migration might entail some citizen-to-community obligations. This means that some correctives may be justified to offset the moral costs of some acts of migration. This paper concludes by exploring how the extension of local voting rights in absentia could be one such corrective.

Machiavelli, like other Renaissance authors, weaved philosophy into works of fiction, attacking the notion attributed to Plato’s Diotima that love (eros) is philosophy’s partner. Under veiled criticism, presented in four comic texts bound together by the theme of love, Machiavelli delivers his criticism of Diotima’s eros. He joins a long line of astute manipulators, like Numa and Savonarola, who presented difficult ideas to people unlikely to accept them except under cover of divine authority. My essay rests on the expanding body of scholarship on Machiavelli’s neglected literary works.

[...]without wanting to generate controversy over interpretation, it seems there is a direct invitation here to unpack the metaphors and the story of Out of the Silent Planet, or at the very least assume that the whole adventure is philosophically loaded. [...]of being thrown into the unknown, Ransom learns that the universe is a divinely ordained place where any movement made by man to transcend his lowly predicament will lead to better ordered worlds, each and every one of them thriving under the watchful, loving eye of God. Since there are communities of humans inside and outside of the dream world, and because the dream world is actually more real than ours, we can conjecture our society to have originally come from there. [...]the conjunction of (a) Lovecraft's relative agreement with Lewis (and Plato) about the existence and accessibility of the proverbial cave's exterior and (b) his disagreement with them about the desirability of reaching that very exterior, while clear, is not entirely incompatible with Joshi's Epicurean reading of the Dream Cycle.

This dissertation re-examines the relationship between Machiavellian and Platonic political philosophies. Machiavelli scholars have argued for years that Machiavelli is so completely hostile and dismissive of Plato that it precludes the need for an in-depth analysis of the relationship between the two thinkers’ political philosophies, without taking into consideration whether or not we ought to factor in the unavoidable presence of Christian Neoplatonism around Machiavelli in our assessment of his situation vis-à-vis Platonism.In line with the very recent work of scholars such as Miguel Vatter and Giovanni Giorgini, I argue that what is considered to be Machiavelli’s hostility to Plato is in fact opposition to the Neoplatonist interpretations of Plato that circulated in Florence in the XV and XVI centuries. Comparing the two authors after filtering out Neoplatonism highlights not only unprecedented areas of agreement, but also deepens our understanding of the role of aesthetics and philosophy for Machiavellian political education.

This thesis aims at clarifying Machiavelli's notion of political virtue by having recourse to Machiavelli's opinion of the empirical value of historical data. Thus, it takes the Florentine Histories as a work that can be used as a tool in support of any interpretation of Machiavelli's virtue when it comes to its ethical substance. I contend that this virtue most closely resemble a moderately deontological system of ethics where necessity acts as the threshold-setter. In chapter two I compare the qualities and attributes of the best princes and republics in order to make the point that political virtue is the virtue of the ruler, regardless of whether said ruler is a single person or a government system. Finally, in chapter three I examine how my interpretation of Machiavelli's political virtue can be used to offer a new perspective on the \"problem of dirty hands\" in politics.