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\"In this unique book Scott A. Bollens combines personal narrative with academic analysis in telling the story of inflammatory nationalistic and ethnic conflict in nine cities - Jerusalem, Beirut, Belfast, Johannesburg, Nicosia, Sarajevo, Mostar, Bilbao, and Barcelona. Reporting on 17 years of research and over 240 interviews with political leaders, planners, architects, community representatives, and academics, he blends personal reflections, reportage from a wealth of original interviews, and the presentation of hard data in a multidimensional and interdisciplinary exploration of these urban environments of damage, trauma, healing, and repair. City and Soul reveals what it is like living and working in these cities, going inside the head of the researcher. This approach extends the reader's understanding of these places and connects more intimately with the lived urban experience. Bollens observes that a city disabled by nationalistic strife looks like a callous landscape of securitized space, divisions and wounds, frozen in time and in place. Yet, the soul in these cities perseveres. Written for general readers and academic specialists alike, City and Soul integrates facts, opinions, photographs, and observations in original ways in order to illuminate the substantial challenges of living in, and governing, polarized and unsettled cities\"-- Provided by publisher.

In this unique book Scott A. Bollens combines personal narrative with academic analysis in telling the story of inflammatory nationalistic and ethnic conflict in nine cities - Jerusalem, Beirut, Belfast, Johannesburg, Nicosia, Sarajevo, Mostar, Bilbao, and Barcelona. Reporting on seventeen years of research and over 240 interviews with political leaders, planners, architects, community representatives, and academics, he blends personal reflections, reportage from a wealth of original interviews, and the presentation of hard data in a multidimensional and interdisciplinary exploration of these urban environments of damage, trauma, healing, and repair. City and Soul in Divided Societies reveals what it is like living and working in these cities, going inside the head of the researcher. This approach extends the reader's understanding of these places and connects more intimately with the lived urban experience. Bollens observes that a city disabled by nationalistic strife looks like a callous landscape of securitized space, divisions and wounds, frozen in time and in place. Yet, the soul in these cities perseveres. Written for general readers and academic specialists alike, City and Soul in Divided Societies integrates facts, opinions, photographs, and observations in original ways in order to illuminate the substantial challenges of living in, and governing, polarized and unsettled cities.

This article investigates the role and influence of urban planning in ameliorating or intensifying deep ethnic conflict. It is based on more than 75 interviews with urban planners and officials in Jerusalem and Johannesburg. Partisan Israeli planners utilise territorial policies that penetrate and diminish Palestinian land control. Post-apartheid urban policy in Johannesburg has pursued both conflict resolution and socioeconomic equity and is seeking to restructure apartheid geography. Both policy strategies are problematic. It is likely that partisan Israeli planning is creating an urban landscape of heightened political contestability and increased Jewish vulnerability. Johannesburg's equity planning is likely to be insufficient as economic forces shape new spatial inequalities. Urban planning must be reconceptualised in polarised cities so that it can contribute meaningfully to the advancement of ethnic peace.

This paper examines how political leaders and urbanists employ city policies and strategies during and after political transformation periods and whether these local policies figure into larger processes of démocratisation. It brings the city and the urban scale into contemporary debates about democratic transformations in ethnically diverse countries. Four settings are investigated—Basque Country and Barcelona (Spain) and Sarajevo and Mostar (Bosnia-Herzegovina)—that have experienced intergroup conflict, war and major national transformations. Findings come primarily from over 100 interviews with urban professionals, community officials, academics and political leaders in these cities. It is found that urban interventions are capable of making distinct contributions to national peace-building and can supplement and catalyse transitional paths toward democracy. The paper discusses why some cities play a constructive role in shaping démocratisation while others do not, how this progressive city function is actualised and how this type of urbanism can be misplaced or neglected.

This paper contrasts the intergovernmental structures and development goals of state growth programs initiated since 1970 in thirteen states. Many of these state and nonlocal growth management strategies seek to restrict growth having regionally detrimental effects; a growing number seek also to facilitate regionally beneficial growth often opposed by local governments. The evolution of state growth policy has shown a shift from state preemptive regulatory interventions to conjoint and cooperative state-local planning frameworks and the incorporation of growth-accommodating economic policies into programs previously environmentally oriented. Such evolution indicates the maturation of state growth management and the increasing convergence of the diverse policy paths taken by state government.

Cities across the world are confronted by a growing ethnic and racial diversity that challenges the traditional model of urban planning intervention focused on individual, not group, differences. This article examines urban planning in three ethnically polarized settings-Belfast, Jerusalem, and Jo-hannesburg-to ascertain how planners treat complex and emotional issues of ethnic identity and group-based claims. Four models of planning intervention-neutral, partisan, equity, and resolver-are examined through interviews with over 100 planners and policy officials. The article outlines the significant implications of these cases in terms of the limitations and potential contributions of American urban planning to effectively accommodate ethnic and cultural differences.

This chapter provides a comparative analysis of different institutional approaches to dealing with antagonistic group identity claims on the city. I discuss Brussels, Johannesburg, Belfast, Sarajevo, Jerusalem, Baghdad, and Kirkuk. These cities are broken down into three categories: (1) cities that have utilized power sharing and forms of transitional democratization effectively enough that stability of the local and national state has occurred, (2) cities that have made some progress but are vulnerable to regression because local political arrangements are not sufficiently stabilizing, and (3) cities where power sharing is itself contested and a potential contributor to further instability. In a

This article explores the role of public policy in contested cities and the effects urban strategies have on the magnitude and manifestations of ethnonational conflict. It is based on interviews in the polarized cities of Jerusalem, Belfast, and Johannesburg conducted in 1994 and 1995. An integrative analytic approach combining the perspectives of political science, urban planning, geography, and social psychology is utilized. The article explores the proposition that a city is a prism, not a mirror, through which conflict is ameliorated or intensified. A city introduces a set of characteristics--proximate ethnic neighborhoods, territoriality, economic interdependency, symbolism, and centrality--that can bend or distort the relationship between ideological disputes and the manifestations of ethnic conflict. Findings indicate that dialectics, contradictions, and unforeseen consequences are produced when nationalism intersects with an urban system. Israeli policy-making in Jerusalem paradoxically produces spatial conditions of urban and regional instability antithetical to Israel's goal of political control. British policy-making in Belfast may achieve short-term abstinence from violence, but it is insufficient in a city of obstructive ethnic territoriality and differential Protestant-Catholic needs. In apartheid Johannesburg, implementation of racist ideology exposed the faultlines and limits of ordering urban space. Now, policy-makers seek to address distressing levels of unmet human needs amidst market-based \"normalization\" processes that threaten to reinforce apartheid's racial geography. /// Sur la base d'interviews faites à Jérusalem, Belfast, et Johannesburg en 1994 et 1995, l'article décrit les effets des politiques publiques sur les conflits ethnonationaux de villes multi-ethniques. L'analyse est faite du point de vue de la science politique, de la planification urbaine, de la géographie, et de la psychologie. La ville apparaît comme un prisme plutôt qu'un miroir, prisme où, selon le cas, les conflits se réduisent ou s'intensifient. Les caractères propres à la ville--territorialité des ethnies, interdépendance économique, 'centralisté', symbolique spécifique--transforment les rapports entre idéologie et ethnie. En milieu urbain, le nationalisme subit des transformations imprévues. Dans le cas d'Israël, la politique urbaine de Jérusalem est déstabilisante car elle a pour effet de contredire les projets d'ensemble de l'Etat. A Belfast, les politiques urbaines mènent à des baisses de tension qui ne sont que provisoires et semblent donc insuffisantes. Dans la Johannesburg de l'apartheid, une idéologie raciste révélait les limites et la faillite du système de contrôle de l'espace urbain. Dans la période d'après l'apartheid, la recherche de l'amélioration des conditions de vie dans le cadre d'une économie de marché risque de renforcer au lieu de réduire la ségrégation géographique.