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The UN Sustainable Development Goals provide a historic opportunity to implement interventions, at scale, to promote early childhood development. Although the evidence base for the importance of early childhood development has grown, the research is distributed across sectors, populations, and settings, with diversity noted in both scope and focus. We provide a comprehensive updated analysis of early childhood development interventions across the five sectors of health, nutrition, education, child protection, and social protection. Our review concludes that to make interventions successful, smart, and sustainable, they need to be implemented as multi-sectoral intervention packages anchored in nurturing care. The recommendations emphasise that intervention packages should be applied at developmentally appropriate times during the life course, target multiple risks, and build on existing delivery platforms for feasibility of scale-up. While interventions will continue to improve with the growth of developmental science, the evidence now strongly suggests that parents, caregivers, and families need to be supported in providing nurturing care and protection in order for young children to achieve their developmental potential.

The role of fathers in (co-)parenting their children among refugee and disadvantaged families in low and middle-income countries (LMICs) remains poorly understood. This study sought to examine the associations among mothers' perceptions of their husband's involvement (hereafter referred to as paternal involvement), and her perceptions of her own well-being and a number of other variables, as well as observed mother-child interactions in families living in refugee and disadvantaged communities in Beirut, Lebanon. We analyzed baseline data from 104 mother-child dyads (mean age of children = 4.34 years; range = 2.05 to 7.93 years of age) who participated in a randomized controlled trial aimed at evaluating the impact of the Mother-Child Education Program in Beirut. In addition to the mother's perception of paternal involvement and the videotaped mother-child interactions, data were collected concerning the mother's well-being and her level of social support, as well as her level of stress as a parent and the way her children were disciplined in the family. Mother-child pairs were videotaped while completing a puzzle together and dyadic interactions were coded. Path analysis showed that paternal involvement was significantly associated with a higher level of maternal well-being and lower distress levels. In addition, higher levels of maternal distress were associated with higher levels of harsh discipline and parenting stress. Correlation analysis showed that higher perceptions of paternal involvement were associated with more positive affect displayed by the child, more positive regard for the child, and better mother-child synchrony during the dyadic interactions. Limitations include the cross-sectional design and the modest sample size, which hinder causal inferences and generalizability of the findings. These preliminary findings suggest that higher levels of paternal involvement may have an impact on markers of maternal mental health and positive mother-child interactions in families living in disadvantaged communities or humanitarian settings. Paternal involvement should be considered when designing and implementing parenting programs in LMICs.

The centrality of the first 1000 days—from conception to 2 years of age—for early childhood development is recognised in global research, policy, and practice as a crucial period for physical growth and brain development in children. 1 In 2017, the Lancet Series on early childhood development reported that 250 million children (43%) were at risk of not realising their development potential based on proxy measures of child stunting and child poverty in early life, key indicators and predictors of poor development in children. 2 These figures elevated the criticality of the first 1000 days for child nutrition and development policies, strategies, and programmes. 2 However, as now highlighted in The Lancet's new Series Early Childhood Development and the Next 1000 Days, 3,4 the work continues in the next 1000 days of a child's life, the period between 2 years and 5 years of age. The Series paper by Catherine Draper and colleagues clearly establishes the crucial role of care, education, and protection systems in recalibrating children's potential in the next 1000 days. 3 Children aged between 2 years and 5 years, the preschool and preprimary years, typically spend their day in a finite number of settings (eg, in their home, community, or early learning programme) with the adults in their life as architects of those environments. 5 Nurturing home environments that ensure early childhood nutrition, stimulation, and care, as well as participation in good-quality early childcare and learning programmes, independently and synergistically support children's early nutrition, development, and learning. [...]the areas of intervention and the effectiveness factors that enable young children to grow, develop, and learn in early childhood are well defined. [...]despite there now being 55 million fewer stunted children (2000–20), an estimated 22% of children aged 5 years or younger have stunted growth and development due to malnutrition. 6 Additionally, approximately 25% of children aged 5 years and younger have not enrolled in at least 1 year of preprimary education. 7 Growing inequities and crises, including conflict, climate change, and humanitarian emergencies, are causing major disruptions in children's access to nutritious and safe diets, essential nutrition and education services, and positive care and protection practices. 8 Lack of access to such diets, services, and practices jeopardises optimal growth and development outcomes in children. 8 In response to this situation, UNICEF launched its strategy, Early Childhood Development: UNICEF Vision for Every Child, in July, 2023 to ensure that “all young children, from birth to primary school entry, benefit from policies, programmes and practices that protect, promote and support child survival and optimal growth and development, including in fragile contexts and in response to humanitarian crises”. [...]governments need to ensure public finance is provided to prioritise the early years to reach the established benchmark of 10% threshold of education spending. 11 Finally, governments need to invest in child benefits that give low-income families the financial resources for the early care and learning needs of their young children.

Momentum for improving early childhood development has grown since The Lancet published the landmark Series, Child Development in Developing Countries in 2007, followed by Child Development in Developing Countries 2 in 2011. As shown in this new Series, Advancing Early Childhood Development: from Science to Scale, 1-3 between 2000 and 2015 the number of scientific publications on topics central to early childhood development increased substantially, about a third of countries had adopted multisectoral policies on early childhood development, and there has been an increase in funding for early childhood development.

This article provides an overview of selected ongoing international efforts that have been inspired by Edward Zigler's vision to improve programs and policies for young children and families in the United States. The efforts presented are in close alignment with three strategies articulated by Edward Zigler: (a) conduct research that will inform policy advocacy; (b) design, implement, and revise quality early childhood development (ECD) programs; and (c) invest in building the next generation of scholars and advocates in child development. The intergenerational legacy left by Edward Zigler has had an impact on young children not only in the United States, but also across the globe. More needs to be done. We need to work together with a full commitment to ensure the optimal development of each child.

Promoting peace requires concerted action. Most early childhood interventions do not focus on peacebuilding and are not implemented by peace studies scholars, yet because such interventions promote skills and abilities linked to peacebuilding (e.g., reduction in aggression and violent behaviors), they have significant implications for peace. Our basic premise in this chapter is that certain developmental pathways are conducive to peaceful orientations and peacebuilding. These pathways involve, for example, better executive function as well as increased communication skills, social competency, and empathy. Early childhood interventions can promote these pathways and, in turn, contribute to peace. Indeed, most early childhood interventions

Scientific evidence in the field of early childhood development has demonstrated that the early years of life are crucial for all aspects of adult functioning, including competencies, attitudes, and skills (Britto et al. 2013; Steele et al., this volume). For example, Duncan et al. (1998) concluded that the effect of poverty on cognitive skills and educational attainment is greatest in early childhood. In contrast, child abuse, neglect, and psychosocial deprivation have been shown to have profound negative impacts on all aspects of socioemotional and cognitive development (Nelson et al. 2007; Fox et al., this volume). Thus, the nature and quality

Peace is a desired state of being, at personal and societal levels. Virtually every language in the world has a word for peace, albeit with varying nuances and emphases. Its universal appeal, however, is also its greatest challenge, both in its varieties of definition and cultural association as well as in its achievement and aspiration. The existence of childhood constitutes another universal reality. The mosaic of humanity, with all its differences, is united through a universal process of life course development from the time of conception. Research evidence clearly indicates that the earliest years of life constitute a critical foundation

This chapter posits that positive, stimulating, and harmonious early childhoods can contribute to peace and human security, and that early life interventions can lay the foundations for conflict resolution and peace in future generations. These interventions can contribute to “peacebuilding” (actions that promote sustainable peace by supporting the prosocial skills needed for peace) as well as \"peacemaking\" through the enhancement of positive reciprocal communication within families, communities, and nations. This chapter reviews (a) the neurobiological foundations of peace, including genetic, epigenetic, hormonal, developmental, and social factors that shape young brains; (b) the importance of parenting and early learning for peacebuilding; and (c) the place that early childhood can play in bridging the gap between peacebuilding and peacemaking. Evidence suggests that change in favor of peace can be initiated not only from the top down, through official policies and agencies, but also from the bottom up, by supporting the physical, emotional, and social development of children and the well-being of their families and communities. Published in the Strungmann Forum Reports Series.

This chapter focuses on the social and biological underpinnings of child development and its contexts to create effective programs and policies that will reduce violence and promote peace. It presents interconnected pathways and multilayered perspectives that link formative childhoods and peace, including strengthening families and building resilient communities. The well-being of children is fundamental to peace. However, knowledge of the association between early childhood and peace need to be further expanded. While much is known about promoting peace, evidence is lacking on whether formative childhoods constitute a potential path to peace. Further research, coordination, and partnerships are needed between disciplines and sectors engaged in peacebuilding and early development. Published in the Strungmann Forum Reports Series.