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The Marvel Comics superhero Black Panther, created by Stan Lee and Jack Kirby in 1966, is generally considered the first African/Black superhero in American mainstream comics. But for the first thirty-two years of his existence—from 1966 to 1998—the character's writers were all White. Christopher Priest and Reginald Hudlin, two very talented Black writers, drastically changed the direction of the character when they took over his adventures in 1998 and 2005, respectively. Under their collective direction, the character—the king and head priest of a Bast-worshipping, xenophobic African nation that had never been invaded by European colonialists—was infused with an African-centered, self-determining ethos. Although both writers are racially conscious Black men, Hudlin's and Priest's approaches were very different, at least publicly. Priest, a Black liberal comic book writer by trade, made Black Panther a powerful African man, but also made editorial decisions purposely designed to not alienate his White audience, while Hudlin, a neo–Black nationalist Hollywood feature filmmaker, strove to create a blatantly Afrocentric fantasy character unencumbered by the White liberalism of the medium or its fans. Priest, however, has been outspoken about the institutional racism he dealt with at Marvel over the character. This qualitative textual analysis explores in detail how Priest and Hudlin approached the Black Panther character as part of a White-controlled medium (monthly comic book magazines) with a majority White audience.

Baldwin said repeatedly that he made France his (writing) home- first from 1948 to the early stages of the Civil Rights Movement in late 1950s, then from 1970 to his death in 1987 at the age of 63- because he was afraid that, as a Black man, he was going to either kill or be killed in America. About 240 scholars, activists and writers from across the world came to a cautious nation -in a state of emergency until July, implemented after last November's terrorist attack-to honor their hero by gathering in his name and examining every facet of his life and work they could squeeze into the three days. When Baldwin wrote in his last book, The Evidence of Things Not Seen, that the Western World was \"located somewhere between the Statue of Liberty and a pillar of salt,\" he meant France, too.

City officials sign on to the idea, and, if the reformer's fight is successful, longtime Black educators-often members of a generation that began teaching during and/or after the Civil Rights and Black Power movements, those finally in positions of relative power over their children's education-get fired and try to fight back. (Postscript: In September 2015, as \"The Prize\" hit bookstores, Jeffries announced he was appointed president of Democrats for Education Reform, becoming one of the few African-Americans to lead an education reform organization.) The Newark street protests grew so large and consistent that Christie-days away from announcing his Republican presidential nomination run this past summer-made a deal with newly-elected Mayor Baraka that, at this September 2015 writing, he may transfer city education power back to the people a year from now. Whether the new school district superintendent cleans up his own mess, and whether Baraka and the citizens of Newark celebrate a victory a year from now, is this story's next chapter, to be written by today's journalists and tomorrow's historians. guest editorial Todd Steven Burroughs toddpanther@gmail.com Todd Steven Burroughs, an independent researcher and writer based in Newark, N.J., is the author of Son-Shine on Cracked Sidewalks, an audiobook on Amiri Baraka and Ras Baraka through the eyes of the 2014 Newark mayoral campaign.

Following in the steps of Noelle Hanrahan's 2000 Abu-Jamal column collection \"All Things Censored,\" Fernandez, an assistant professor of history and Black and Puerto Rican Studies at Baruch College/City University of New York, creates a second unofficial \"Mumia Reader\" of 107 columns and speeches that span from the former Black Panther Party member's 1981 arrest for the killing of a white Philadelphia police officer to 2014. Abu-Jamal's commentaries, taken together, target the contradictions of the established order, pointing to its corrupt nature versus the natural power of people-fueled resistance. Todd Steven Burroughs is an independent researcher and writer based in Newark, N.J., is the author of Son-Shine on Cracked Sidewalks, an audiobook on Amiri Baraka and Ras Baraka through the eyes of the 2014 Newark mayoral campaign.

New York City Council Member Jumaane D. Williams (D-Brooklyn), co-founding member of the council's Progressive Caucus and a member of the body's Black, Latino & Asian Caucus, said in a statement that Dr. Ben's \"extensive research on Egypt, black culture and history gained him notoriety not just among educators but people of more color across the world. Like Clarke, ben-Jochannan became well-known in the New York metropolitan area in the late 20th century because of his many decades of frequent television and radio appearances on 1190 WLIB-AM, then a local Black news-talk radio station, and WABC-TV's Black public-affairs mainstay, \"Like It Is.\" Unlike many Black scholars who donate their papers to places like the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, a research unit of The New York Public Library system in Harlem or the Moorland-Spingarn Research Center at Howard University, in 2002 ben-Jochannan donated his personal library-an estimated 35,000 books, ancient scrolls and manuscripts to the Nation of Islam.

Whether it fashions itself thusly or not, and whether the authors admit it or not, \"After The Dance: My Life with Marvin Gaye\" is a supplement to Ritz's 1985 stellar biography, \"Divided Soul: \"The Life of Marvin Gaye.\" Discord, turmoil and competition were necessities for Marvin Gaye, a man who competed with his own domineering father for his mother's love, competed with other Black recording artists for chart dominance and public adoration, competed with other men to win Janis back when he lost her, and even tried to seriously compete with Muhammad Ali in a charity boxing exhibition. Marvin Gaye was the first Motown artist to break free of the company's strict formula.

Birthed by Shirley Graham Du Bois and other Black Leftists, Freedomways magazine (1961-1985) has always occupied a curious position in the history of American quarterly literary magazines, also known as \"little magazines.\" It was a Black intellectual magazine, published by Black Communists and funded by white Communists, that promoted an official Marxist-Leninist philosophy in a time period of significant liberal Civil Rights Movement gains domestically and a revival of Black nationalism and Pan-Africanism domestically and internationally. Among the founding contributors to Freedomways magazine was John Henrik Clarke (1915-1998), the Harlem-based Pan-Africanist historian. This article discusses a 1982 public dispute Clarke had with a leader of the Black Communist Party USA, James E. Jackson, whose wife, Esther Cooper Jackson, was a Freedomways founding editor. It led to Clarke's public resignation from the magazine in 1983. The dispute, the authors argue, was an outgrowth of the editorial conflict within Freedomways between Pan-Africanism and Marxism, a perspective largely ignored by existing scholarship concerning the periodical and the \"Popular Front\" ideology of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA).

The monthly newsletter Black Alumni Network (BAN), created by a group of newly-minted journalism Master's degree awardees at the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism in 1980, celebrated its 35th year of monthly publication in 2015. It was created independently by Black mainstream journalists, who are working corporate professionals whose purpose in the American mass media is to make them more racially inclusive. Hence, this qualitative essay argues that in using an insider strategy with the tactic of constant publication and visibility, the BAN newsletter persuaded Columbia University to acknowledge its existence, include the small periodical within its white hegemonic structure and to respond to its insider activism.