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Data from European surveys show that boys report drinking alcohol more often and in higher quantities than girls, but that the reported frequency of drunkenness by girls and boys is about the same.16 These findings reflect complex social shifts that might be partly influenced by \"greater female social and economic empowerment...as well as marketing practices\".17 Although unsafe sex was excluded from the most recent GBD risk analysis,13 it is a major contributor to global morbidity and mortality through HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (with sequelae that include AIDS, cancers, infertility, stillbirths, and neonatal mortality), unplanned and unwanted pregnancies, and maternal mortality. [...]gender norms in southern and eastern Africa mean that people in sexual relationships often differ substantially in age, and contribute to higher HIV prevalence in young women than in young men.20 However, gender norms can also promote and perpetuate risk-taking sexual behaviours among men--particularly younger men.21 Generally, however, gender inequalities ensure that the consequences and health implications of unsafe sex are borne mainly by women, men who have sex with men, and transgender people.2 Gender is an important influence on health knowledge and health behaviours.

Gender refers to the social relationships between males and females in terms of their roles, behaviours, activities, attributes and opportunities, and which are based on different levels of power. Gender interacts with, but is distinct from, the binary categories of biological sex. In this paper we consider how gender interacts with the 2030 agenda for sustainable development, including sustainable development goal (SDG) 3 and its targets for health and well-being, and the impact on health equity. We propose a conceptual framework for understanding the interactions between gender (SDG 5) and health (SDG 3) and 13 other SDGs, which influence health outcomes. We explore the empirical evidence for these interactions in relation to three domains of gender and health: gender as a social determinant of health; gender as a driver of health behaviours; and the gendered response of health systems. The paper highlights the complex relationship between health and gender, and how these domains interact with the broad 2030 agenda. Across all three domains (social determinants, health behaviours and health system), we find evidence of the links between gender, health and other SDGs. For example, education (SDG 4) has a measurable impact on health outcomes of women and children, while decent work (SDG 8) affects the rates of occupation-related morbidity and mortality, for both men and women. We propose concerted and collaborative actions across the interlinked SDGs to deliver health equity, health and well-being for all, as well as to enhance gender equality and women's empowerment. These proposals are summarized in an agenda for action.

Background In 2017, the G20 health ministers convened for the first time to discuss global health and issued a communiqué outlining their health priorities, as the BRICS and G7 have done for years. As these political clubs hold considerable political and economic influence, their respective global health agendas may influence both global health priorities and the priorities of other countries and actors. Methods Given the rising salience of global health in global summitry, we analyzed the health ministerial communiqués issued by the BRICS, G7 and G20 after the SDGs were adopted in 2015. We compared the stated health priorities of the BRICS, G7 and G20 against one another and against the targets of SDG 3 on health, using a traffic light system to assess the quality of their commitments. Results With regard to the SDG 3 targets, the BRICS, G7 and G20 priorities overlapped in their focus on emergency preparedness and universal health coverage, but diverged in areas of environmental pollution, mental health, and maternal and child health. Health issues with considerable associated burdens of disease, including substance use, road traffic injuries and sexual health, were missing from the agendas of all three political clubs. In terms of SDG 3 principles and ways of working, the BRICS, G7 and G20 varied in their emphasis on human rights, equity and engagement with non-state actors, but all expressed their explicit commitment to Agenda 2030. Conclusions The leadership of BRICS, G7 and G20 on global health is welcome. However, their relatively narrow focus on the potential impact of ill-health primarily in relation to the economy and trade may not be sufficiently comprehensive to achieve the Agenda 2030 vision of promoting health equity and leaving no-one behind. Recommendations for the BRICS, G7 and G20 based on this analysis include: 1) expanding focus to the neglected SDG 3 health targets; 2) placing greater emphasis on upstream determinants of health; 3) greater commitment to equity and leaving no-one behind; 4) adopting explicit commitments to rights-based approaches; and 5) making commitments that are of higher quality and which include time-bound quantitative targets and clear accountability mechanisms.

Background Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) represent a significant threat to human health and well-being, and carry significant implications for economic development and health care and other costs for governments and business, families and individuals. Risks for many of the major NCDs are associated with the production, marketing and consumption of commercially produced food and drink, particularly those containing sugar, salt and transfats (in ultra-processed products), alcohol and tobacco. The problems inherent in primary prevention of NCDs have received relatively little attention from international organizations, national governments and civil society, especially when compared to the attention paid to secondary and tertiary prevention regimes (i.e. those focused on provision of medical treatment and long-term clinical management). This may in part reflect that until recently the NCDs have not been deemed a priority on the overall global health agenda. Low political priority may also be due in part to the complexity inherent in implementing feasible and acceptable interventions, such as increased taxation or regulation of access, particularly given the need to coordinate action beyond the health sector. More fundamentally, governing determinants of risk frequently brings public health into conflict with the interests of profit-driven food, beverage, alcohol and tobacco industries. Materials We use a conceptual framework to review three models of governance of NCD risk: self-regulation by industry; hybrid models of public-private engagement; and public sector regulation. We analyse the challenges inherent in each model, and review what is known (or not) about their impact on NCD outcomes. Conclusion While piecemeal efforts have been established, we argue that mechanisms to control the commercial determinants of NCDs are inadequate and efforts at remedial action too limited. Our paper sets out an agenda to strengthen each of the three governance models. We identify reforms that will be needed to the global health architecture to govern NCD risks, including to strengthen its ability to consolidate the collective power of diverse stakeholders, its authority to develop and enforce clear measures to address risks, as well as establish monitoring and rights-based accountability systems across all actors to drive measurable, equitable and sustainable progress in reducing the global burden of NCDs.

The African Medicines Agency can enable African people to live the healthier lives they deserve while boosting continental trade and economic development, write Michel Sidibé and colleagues

Health data disaggregated by sex is vital for identifying the distribution of illness, and assessing risk exposures, service access, and utilization. Disaggregating data along a health pathway, i.e., the measurable continuum from risk factor exposure to final health outcome (death), and including disease prevalence and a three-step care cascade (diagnosis, treatment, and control), has the potential to provide a holistic and systematic source of information on sex- and gender-based health inequities and identify opportunities for more tailored interventions to reduce those inequities. We collected sex- and age-disaggregated data along the health pathway. We searched for papers using global datasets on the sex-disaggregated care cascade for eight major conditions and identified cascade data for only three conditions: hypertension, diabetes, and HIV and AIDS. For each condition, we collected risk factor prevalence, disease prevalence, cascade progression, and death rates. We assessed the sex difference for all steps along the pathway and interpreted inequities through a lens of gender analysis. Sex-disaggregated data on risk factors, disease prevalence, and mortality were found for all three conditions across 204 countries. Sex-disaggregated care cascades for hypertension, diabetes, and HIV and AIDS were found only for 200, 39, and 76 countries, respectively. Significant sex differences were found in each step along the pathways. In many countries, males exhibited higher disease prevalence and death rates than females, while in some countries, they also reported lower rates of healthcare seeking, diagnosis, and treatment adherence. Smoking prevalence was higher among males in most countries, whereas prevalence of obesity and unsafe sex were higher in females in most countries. Findings support the increasing need to develop strategies that encourage greater male participation in preventive and healthcare service and underscore the importance of sex-disaggregated data in understanding health inequities and guiding gender-responsive interventions at different points along the pathway. Despite limitations in data availability and completeness, this study elucidates the need for more comprehensive and harmonized datasets for these and other conditions to monitor sex differences and implement sex-/gender-responsive interventions along the health pathway.

Thanks to considerable resources, leadership, community mobilisation, and innovation, enormous gains have been made in controlling the HIV epidemic, saving millions of people from infection and AIDS-related illness and death.

Background Marketing of foods and non-alcoholic beverages high in saturated fats, trans-fatty acids, free sugars, or salt (“unhealthy foods”) to children is contributing to increasing child obesity. However, many countries have not implemented WHO recommendations to restrict marketing of unhealthy foods to children. We sought to understand the absence of marketing restrictions and identify potential strategic actions to develop and implement such restrictions in Nepal. Methods Eighteen semi-structured interviews were conducted. Thematic analysis was based on Baker et al.’s 18 factor-framework for understanding what drives political commitment to nutrition, organised by five categories: Actors; Institutions; Political and societal contexts; Knowledge, evidence and framing; Capacities and resources. Results All factors in Baker et al.’s framework were reported to be acting largely as barriers to Nepal developing and implementing marketing restrictions. Six factors were identified by the highest number of respondents: the threat of private sector interference in policy-making; lack of international actor support; absence of well-designed and enacted policies and legislation; lack of political commitment to regulate; insufficient mobilisation of existing evidence to spur action and lack of national evidence to guide regulatory design; and weak implementation capacity. Opportunities for progress were identified as Nepal’s ability to combat private sector interference - as previously demonstrated in tobacco control. Conclusions This is the first study conducted in Nepal examining the lack of restrictions on marketing unhealthy foods to children. Our findings reflect the manifestation of power in the policy process. The absence of civil society and a multi-stakeholder coalition demanding change on marketing of unhealthy food to children, the threat of private sector interference in introducing marketing restrictions, the promotion of norms and narratives around modernity, consumption and the primary role of the individual in regulating diet - all have helped create a policy vacuum on marketing restrictions. We propose that stakeholders focus on five strategic actions, including: developing a multi-stakeholder coalition to put and keep marketing restrictions on the health agenda; framing the need for marketing restrictions as critical to protect child rights and government regulation as the solution; and increasing support, particularly through developing more robust global policy guidance.

In a bold and unprecedented call, the director general of the World Health Organization encourages countries to reorient and rebalance their health systems. Here are five ways we can get behind the inspiring, timely, and daunting task to create healthy societies