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The extent to which racial issues affected the Turkish nationalist movement during the 1930s is investigated. An overview of the Society for the Study of Turkish History is presented, emphasizing the organization's charge with developing a Turkish historical narrative. The Sept 1932 & Aug 1934 meetings of the Turkish Language Congress are subsequently examined, which resulted in the Turkish state's assertion that all major world languages are descendents of the Turkish language. The effects of the Turkish state's nationalist historical & linguistic policies upon the nation's ethnic minority groups are then studied; although some Jewish & Christian groups advocated the learning of Turkish, it is noted that other minority groups resisted the Turkification movement. It is concluded that the Turkish state's policies toward ethnic minorities were nationalistic, not racist, in nature since the state hoped that these minorities would ultimately accept Turkish language & culture. J. W. Parker

Since coming to power in 2003, Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has attempted to make Turkey great again—in the mold of the Ottoman Empire that ruled over three continents before declining in the eighteenth century. In many ways, Erdoğan has simply followed in the footsteps of previous Turkish leaders who attempted to reassert Turkey's grandeur in the wake of the Ottoman Empire's collapse at the end of World War I. His methods, however, have diverged from past leaders', aligning less with the tradition of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and late Ottoman sultans. In his attempt to re-establish Turkey as an Ottomanstyle great power, Erdoğan has made a radical break with the Western foreign policy consensus—which had been the foundation of Turkey's international relations strategy since Ottoman decline. While Erdoğan has attempted to cast Ankara as a stand-alone great power, however, he has left Turkey encircled by enemies, isolated from allies, and far from greatness.

ركز المقال على الانتخابات والأوتوقراطية المرنة في تركيا. وأبرز ما حدث في أواخر فبراير وبعد الزلزال المدمر، واجه الرئيس التركي أردوغان، أكبر التحديات في حياته السياسية، وتزامن هذا مع اقتراب الانتخابات الرئاسية بثلاث شهور. وأشار إلى عودة أردوغان الغير متوقعة وهي سمة من سمات السياسي الذي أظهر مرارا وتكرارا مهارته في استخدام موارد الدولة لصالحة وفي تحييد وتقسيم، وفضلت السباقات الانتخابية الخيرة في تركيا أردوغان بشكل غير عادل، يدعم البيروقراطيون الرئيسيون حزب العدالة والتنمية الحاكم بشكل علني ويجعلون موارد الدولة متاحة له. ونشر أردوغان الاستراتيجيات التي استخدمها زملائه الاستبداديين، وجعل تركيا عظيمة مرة أخرى، يسيطر أردوغان على وسائل الإعلام بشكل واضح وهذا لأن أكثر الاتراك لا يجيدون غير اللغة التركية، يستخدم أردوغان أيضا النظام الانتخابي التركي لصالحه، الفرصة الأخيرة للديمقراطية، الفرصة الأخيرة للديمقراطية. واختتم المقال بالتركيز على الانتخابات الحرة في تركيا فهي لا تزال مهمة ومن المرجح أن تكون الانتخابات حرة وسليمة. كُتب هذا المستخلص من قِبل المنظومة 2023

Examines the extent to which race shaped nationalism throughout the 1930s, by analysing the interaction between Turkish nationalism and race during this decade. As late as the 1920s, Turkishness had been mostly defined independently of race. Turkey had a heterogeneous population, which included Turks, Jews, Christians, Georgians, Greek-speaking Muslims, Albanians, Macedonian Muslims, Pomaks, Serb Muslims, Bosnians, Tartars, Circassians, Abkhazes and Daghestanis, among others. The 1924 Constitution of the republic aimed to address this diversity. The article first examines the ascent of the notion of race under Turkish nationalism in the 1930s. It then scrutinises the affairs between Ankara and the Jews and Muslim minorities in this era, particularly the \"Citizen Speak Turkish\" campaign. It is concluded that far from using race to alienate the Jews and the non-Turkish Muslims, Ankara employed it as a vehicle to co-opt them and, unexpectedly even the Christians, into the Turkish nation.

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