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The burden of mental, neurological, and substance use (MNS) disorders increased by 41% between 1990 and 2010 and now accounts for one in every 10 lost years of health globally. This sobering statistic does not take into account the substantial excess mortality associated with these disorders or the social and economic consequences of MNS disorders on affected persons, their caregivers, and society. A wide variety of effective interventions, including drugs, psychological treatments, and social interventions, can prevent and treat MNS disorders. At the population-level platform of service delivery, best practices include legislative measures to restrict access to means of self-harm or suicide and to reduce the availability of and demand for alcohol. At the community-level platform, best practices include life-skills training in schools to build social and emotional competencies. At the health-care-level platform, we identify three delivery channels. Two of these delivery channels are especially relevant from a public health perspective: self-management (eg, web-based psychological therapy for depression and anxiety disorders) and primary care and community outreach (eg, non-specialist health worker delivering psychological and pharmacological management of selected disorders). The third delivery channel, hospital care, which includes specialist services for MNS disorders and first-level hospitals providing other types of services (such as general medicine, HIV, or paediatric care), play an important part for a smaller proportion of cases with severe, refractory, or emergency presentations and for the integration of mental health care in other health-care channels, respectively. The costs of providing a significantly scaled up package of specified cost-effective interventions for prioritised MNS disorders in low-income and lower-middle-income countries is estimated at US$3–4 per head of population per year. Since a substantial proportion of MNS disorders run a chronic and disabling course and adversely affect household welfare, intervention costs should largely be met by government through increased resource allocation and financial protection measures (rather than leaving households to pay out-of-pocket). Moreover, a policy of moving towards universal public finance can also be expected to lead to a far more equitable allocation of public health resources across income groups. Despite this evidence, less than 1% of development assistance for health and government spending on health in low-income and middle-income countries is allocated to the care of people with these disorders. Achieving the health gains associated with prioritised interventions will require not just financial resources, but committed and sustained efforts to address a range of other barriers (such as paucity of human resources, weak governance, and stigma). Ultimately, the goal is to massively increase opportunities for people with MNS disorders to access services without the prospect of discrimination or impoverishment and with the hope of attaining optimal health and social outcomes.

[...]mental health services should be scaled up as an essential component of universal health coverage and should be fully integrated into the global response to other health priorities, including non-communicable diseases, maternal and child health, and HIV/AIDS. [...]barriers and threats to mental health need to be addressed; these include the lack of awareness of the value of mental health in social and economic development, the lack of attention to mental health promotion and protection across sectors, the severe demand-side constraints for mental health care caused by stigma and discrimination, and the increasing threats to mental health due to global challenges such as climate change and growing inequality. [...]mental health needs to be protected by public policies and developmental efforts; these intersectoral actions should be undertaken by each country's leaders to engage a wide range of stakeholders within and beyond health, including sectors in education, workplaces, social welfare, gender empowerment, child and youth services, criminal justice and development, and humanitarian assistance. [...]investments in research and innovation should grow and harness novel approaches from diverse disciplines such as genomics, neuroscience, health services research, clinical sciences, and social sciences, both for implementation research on scaling up mental health interventions and for discovery research to advance understanding of causes and mechanisms of mental disorders and develop effective interventions to prevent and treat them.

At the root of the action plan is a vision of \"a world in which mental health is valued, promoted and protected, mental disorders are prevented and persons affected by these disorders are able to exercise the full range of human rights and to access high quality, culturally-appropriate health and social care in a timely way to promote recovery, all in order to attain the highest possible level of health and participate fully in society and at work free from stigmatisation and discrimination\".1 Implementation of the action plan will face challenges; in particular, years or decades of inadequate investment into human and financial resources for mental health care need to be quickly reversed.

In 2005, WHO set a global goal to reduce rates of death from chronic (non-communicable) disease by an additional 2% every year. To this end, we investigated how many deaths could potentially be averted over 10 years by implementation of selected population-based interventions, and calculated the financial costs of their implementation. We selected two interventions: to reduce salt intake in the population by 15% and to implement four key elements of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). We used methods from the WHO Comparative Risk Assessment project to estimate shifts in the distribution of risk factors associated with salt intake and tobacco use, and to model the effects on chronic disease mortality for 23 countries that account for 80% of chronic disease burden in the developing world. We showed that, over 10 years (2006–2015), 13·8 million deaths could be averted by implementation of these interventions, at a cost of less than US$0·40 per person per year in low-income and lower middle-income countries, and US$0·50–1·00 per person per year in upper middle-income countries (as of 2005). These two population-based intervention strategies could therefore substantially reduce mortality from chronic diseases, and make a major (and affordable) contribution towards achievement of the global goal to prevent and control chronic diseases.

This paper reviews the evidence for the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of policies and programmes to reduce the harm caused by alcohol, in the areas of education and information, the health sector, community action, driving while under the influence of alcohol (drink-driving), availability, marketing, pricing, harm reduction, and illegally and informally produced alcohol. Systematic reviews and meta-analyses show that policies regulating the environment in which alcohol is marketed (particularly its price and availability) are effective in reducing alcohol-related harm. Enforced legislative measures to reduce drink-driving and individually directed interventions to already at-risk drinkers are also effective. However, school-based education does not reduce alcohol-related harm, although public information and education-type programmes have a role in providing information and in increasing attention and acceptance of alcohol on political and public agendas. Making alcohol more expensive and less available, and banning alcohol advertising, are highly cost-effective strategies to reduce harm. In settings with high amounts of unrecorded production and consumption, increasing the proportion of alcohol that is taxed could be a more effective pricing policy than a simple increase in tax.

We review the evidence on effectiveness of interventions for the treatment and prevention of selected mental disorders in low-income and middle-income countries. Depression can be treated effectively in such countries with low-cost antidepressants or with psychological interventions (such as cognitive-behaviour therapy and interpersonal therapies). Stepped-care and collaborative models provide a framework for integration of drug and psychological treatments and help to improve rates of adherence to treatment. First-generation antipsychotic drugs are effective and cost effective for the treatment of schizophrenia; their benefits can be enhanced by psychosocial treatments, such as community-based models of care. Brief interventions delivered by primary-care professionals are effective for management of hazardous alcohol use, and pharmacological and psychosocial interventions have some benefits for people with alcohol dependence. Policies designed to reduce consumption, such as increased taxes and other control strategies, can reduce the population burden of alcohol abuse. Evidence about the efficacy of interventions for developmental disabilities is inadequate, but community-based rehabilitation models provide a low-cost, integrative framework for care of children and adults with chronic mental disabilities. Evidence for mental health interventions for people who are exposed to conflict and other disasters is still weak—especially for interventions in the midst of emergencies. Some trials of interventions for prevention of depression and developmental delays in low-income and middle-income countries show beneficial effects. Interventions for depression, delivered in primary care, are as cost effective as antiretroviral drugs for HIV/AIDS. The process and effectiveness of scaling up mental health interventions has not been adequately assessed. Such research is needed to inform the continuing process of service reform and innovation. However, we recommend that policymakers should act on the available evidence to scale up effective and cost-effective treatments and preventive interventions for mental disorders.

Growing international evidence shows that mental ill health and poverty interact in a negative cycle in low-income and middle-income countries. However, little is known about the interventions that are needed to break this cycle. We undertook two systematic reviews to assess the effect of financial poverty alleviation interventions on mental, neurological, and substance misuse disorders and the effect of mental health interventions on individual and family or carer economic status in countries with low and middle incomes. We found that the mental health effect of poverty alleviation interventions was inconclusive, although some conditional cash transfer and asset promotion programmes had mental health benefits. By contrast, mental health interventions were associated with improved economic outcomes in all studies, although the difference was not statistically significant in every study. We recommend several areas for future research, including undertaking of high-quality intervention studies in low-income and middle-income countries, assessment of the macroeconomic consequences of scaling up of mental health care, and assessment of the effect of redistribution and market failures in mental health. This study supports the call to scale up mental health care, not only as a public health and human rights priority, but also as a development priority.

Background The extent of catastrophic health expenditure and impoverishment associated with depression in low-and middle-income countries is not known. The aim of this study was to estimate the incidence and intensity of catastrophic out-of-pocket (OOP) health expenditure, level of impoverishment and coping strategies used by households of persons with and without depression in a rural Ethiopian district. Methods A comparative cross-sectional survey was conducted, including 128 households of persons with depression and 129 households without. Depression screening was conducted using the Patient Health Questionnaire, nine item version (PHQ-9). People in the depression group were classified into high and low disability groups based on the median value on the World Health Organization Disability Assessment Schedule (WHODAS) polytomous summary score. Health expenditure greater than thresholds of 10 and 25% of total household consumption was used for the primary analyses. The poverty headcount, poverty gap and normalized poverty gap were estimated using retrospective recall of total household expenditure pre- and post-OOP payments for health care. Linear probability model using binreg command in STATA with rr option was used to estimate risk ratio for the occurrence of outcomes among households with and without depression based on level of disability. Results Catastrophic OOP payments at any threshold level for households with depression and high disability were higher than control households. At the 10% threshold level, 24.0% of households of persons with depression and high disability faced catastrophic payments compared with 15.3% for depression and low disability and 12.1% for control households ( p  = 0.041). Depression and high disability level was an independent predictor of catastrophic OOP payments: RR 2.1; 95% CI:1.1, 4.6. An estimated 5.8% of households of persons with depression and high disability were pushed into poverty because of paying for health care compared with 3.5% for households of persons with depression and low disability and 2.3% for control households ( p  = 0.039). Conclusions Households of people with depression and high disability were more likely to face catastrophic expenditures and impoverishment from OOP payments. Financial protection interventions through prepayment schemes, exemptions and fee waiver strategies need to target households of persons with depression.

Abbreviations: DFID, UK Department for International Development; LMICs, low- and middle-income countries; mhGAP, Mental Health Gap Action Programme; MoH, ministries of health; NGO, non-government organisation; PRIME, Programme for Improving Mental Health Care; WHO, World Health Organization Summary Points * The majority of people living with mental disorders in low- and middle-income countries do not receive the treatment that they need. * There is an emerging evidence base for cost-effective interventions, but little is known about how these interventions can be delivered in routine primary and maternal health care settings. * The aim of the Programme for Improving Mental Health Care (PRIME) is to generate evidence on the implementation and scaling up of integrated packages of care for priority mental disorders in primary and maternal health care contexts in Ethiopia, India, Nepal, South Africa, and Uganda. * PRIME is working initially in one district or sub-district in each country, and integrating mental health into primary care at three levels of the health system: the health care organisation, the health facility, and the community. * The programme is utilising the UK Medical Research Council complex interventions framework and the \"theory of change\" approach, incorporating a variety of qualitative and quantitative methods to evaluate the acceptability, feasibility, and impact of these packages. * PRIME includes a strong emphasis on capacity building and the translation of research findings into policy and practice, with a view to reducing inequities and meeting the needs of vulnerable populations, particularly women and people living in poverty. In the longer term, PRIME hopes to achieve increased uptake of its research findings for mental health policy and practice in other regions of the study countries and other LMICs, and increased uptake by international development agencies and donors, to support scaling up of mental health care in LMICs and reduce the treatment gap for mental disorders globally.

The aim of this study was to assess the association between depression symptom severity and household income, consumption, asset-based wealth, debt and use of distress financing strategies, to understand how depression symptom severity and household economic welfare are related. A household survey was administered to the households of primary health clinic-attenders who were screened for depression symptoms using the 9-item Patient Health Questionnaire in the chronic care units of four primary health clinics in the North West province of South Africa. Univariate and multivariable regression models were used to assess whether a range of household economic measures were significant predictors of depression symptom severity; and whether depression symptom severity significantly predicted changes to household economic welfare, across a number of different economic measures using both multiple linear regression and logistic regression analyses. On univariate analysis, certain characteristics were associated with significantly worse (higher) PHQ-9 scores, namely: households in which the household head was younger, female, and unmarried; households in which the indexed patient was younger, and did not receive an education beyond primary school; increasing household size, receipt of a social grant, households living in housing constructed of metal sheet walls and households making use of a public tap as their primary water source. In addition, univariate analysis demonstrated that higher log-transformed food expenditure, lower log-transformed capacity to pay, the presence of household debt and both reducing the size or frequency of meals and drawing up retail shop accounts in response to financial distress over the past three years were associated with significantly worse (higher) PHQ-9 scores. Multivariable analysis demonstrated that larger household sizes (p<0.05), receipt of social grants (p<0.05), higher food expenditure (p<0.01), and drawing up retail shop accounts in response to financial distress (p<0.05) were independently predictive of worse (higher) PHQ-9 scores. Inversely, increasing age of the household head (p<0.05), having piped water directly into the household (as opposed to making use of a public water sources) (p<0.01), and increasing capacity to pay (p<0.01) were independently predictive of better (lower) PHQ-9 scores. Similarly, multivariable analysis demonstrated that worse (higher) PHQ-9 scores were independently predictive of lower household capacity to pay (p<0.10) and higher food expenditure (p<0.01). This study is the first of its kind in South Africa, identifying household economic factors associated with increased depression symptom severity on a continuum; and demonstrating that financial risk protection efforts are needed across this continuum. The study demonstrates that the relationship between poverty and mental health extends beyond the individual to affect household economic functioning. These findings must be included in policy considerations to achieve effective protection for vulnerable households facing the interaction of depression and adverse economic circumstances.