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Indigenous youth today are in a precarious position. The elders who guided their grandparents and parents often suffered from direct racism and dislocation from cultural practices, land, medicine, language, knowledge and traditional lifeways. Family and community kinship networks that provided emotional, spiritual and physical support have been brutally and systematically dismantled. When perpetuation is discussed within an Indigenous context, it often refers to the transmission of Indigenous knowledge to future generations and how they act on and regenerate it. This perpetuation of Indigenous knowledge and nationhood occurs every day, often in the shape of unnoticed or unacknowledged actions carried out within intimate settings, such as homes, ceremonies and communities. Focusing on everyday acts of resurgence shifts the analysis of the situation away from the state-centred, colonial manifestations of power to the relational, experiential and dynamic nature of Indigenous cultural heritage, which offers important implications for re-thinking gendered relationships, community health and sustainable practices. The authors of this article examine ways in which land-based pedagogies can challenge colonial systems of power at multiple levels, while being critical sites of education and transformative change. Drawing on a multi-component study of community practices in the Cherokee Nation conducted by the second author, this article examines strategies for fostering what have been termed \"land-centred literacies\" as pathways to community resurgence and sustainability. The findings from this research have important implications for Indigenous notions of sustainability, health and well-being and ways in which Indigenous knowledge can be perpetuated by future generations. Éduquer pour préserver : pédagogies adaptées au milieu ambiant et renaissance communautaire - Les jeunes autochtones se trouvent aujourd'hui dans une situation difficile. Les aînés qui avaient guidé leurs parents et grands-parents ont souvent souffert d'un racisme ostensible et d'un éloignement de leurs pratiques culturelles, territoires, systèmes de guérison, langues, connaissances et modes de vie traditionnels. Les réseaux familiaux et de parenté communautaire, garants d'un soutien émotionnel, spirituel et physique, ont été brutalement et systématiquement démantelés. Quand la préservation est abordée dans un contexte autochtone, elle désigne souvent la transmission du savoir indigène aux futures générations, ainsi que la manière dont celles-ci traitent et revitalisent ce savoir. Cette préservation des connaissances et de la nationalité autochtones s'accomplit chaque jour, souvent sous forme d'actions inaperçues ou méconnues, effectuées dans des cadres intimes tels que foyers, cérémonies et communautés. L'examen des actes quotidiens de cette renaissance fait passer l'analyse situationnelle des manifestations de pouvoir coloniales et centrées sur l'Etat vers la nature relationnelle, expérientielle et dynamique de l'héritage culturel autochtone. Ce dernier contient d'importantes implications permettant de repenser les relations entre les sexes, la santé communautaire et les pratiques pérennes. Les auteurs de l'article examinent comment les pédagogies adaptées au milieu peuvent ébranler à de nombreux niveaux les systèmes coloniaux de pouvoir, tout en constituant des espaces critiques d'éducation et de changement en profondeur. À partir d'une étude de cas à plusieurs composantes sur les pratiques communautaires dans la nation cherokee menée par la seconde auteure, ils explorent les stratégies censées stimuler ce que l'on appelle les « alphabétisations adaptées au milieu », pour en faire des moyens de renaissance et de pérennité communautaires. Les résultats de cette étude comportent d'importantes implications pour les notions autochtones de pérennité, de santé et de bien-être, ainsi que pour la façon dont les générations futures peuvent préserver le savoir indigène.

More than eighty zyears since Chief Deskaheh petitioned the League of Nations for Haudenosaunee self-determination, it is becoming clearer that the existing rights discourse can take indigenous peoples only so far. States and global/regional forums have framed self-determination rights that deemphasize the responsibilities and relationships that indigenous peoples have with their families and the natural world (homelands, plant life, animal life, etc.) that are critical for the health and well-being of future generations. What is needed is a more holistic and dynamic approach to regenerating indigenous nations, and I propose the concept of sustainable self-determination as a benchmark for future indigenous political mobilization. Utilizing case studies of indigenous community regeneration such as the Native Federation of Madre de Dios (FENAMAD) in Peru and the White Earth Land Recovery Project (WELRP) on Turtle Island as well as analyzing the existing research on rights, political mobilization, and ecosystems, this article identifies alternatives to the existing rights discourse that can facilitate a meaningful and sustainable self-determination process for indigenous peoples around the world. Overall, findings from this research offer theoretical and applied understandings for regenerating indigenous nationhood and restoring sustainable relationships on indigenous homelands.

This article critically examines the effectiveness of emergent transnational Indigenous rights networks during the first United Nations (UN) Indigenous Decade (1995-2004). Keck and Sikkink's five-part model is utilized in the analysis but is found to be inadequate when gauging the overall effectiveness of Indigenous political mobilization during the first UN decade. A sixth factor, co-optation, better explains the impacts of \"mainstreaming\" Indigenous rights within the UN system (through blunting and channeling processes) and the subsequent shortcomings of the first UN Indigenous Decade. Potential future strategies for global Indigenous political mobilization outside of the UN system are discussed.

Official apologies and truth commissions are increasingly utilized as mechanisms to address human rights abuses. Both are intended to transform inter-group relations by marking an end point to a history of wrongdoing and providing the means for political and social relations to move beyond that history. However, state-dominated reconciliation mechanisms are inherently problematic for indigenous communities. In this paper, we examine the use of apologies, and truth and reconciliation commissions in four countries with significant indigenous populations: Canada, Australia, Peru, and Guatemala. In each case, the reconciliation mechanism differentiated the goal of reconciliation from an indigenous self-determination agenda. The resulting state-centered strategies ultimately failed to hold states fully accountable for past wrongs and, because of this, failed to transform inter-group relations.

In this article, we discuss strategies for resisting further encroachment on Indigenous existences by Settler societies and states – and as well multinational corporations and other elite organizations controlled by state powers and other elements of the imperial institutional network; and we focus on how Indigenous communities can regenerate themselves to resist the effects of the contemporary colonial assault and regenerate politically and culturally. We ask the fundamental question: how can we resist further dispossession and disconnection when the effects of colonial assaults on our own existences are so pronounced and still so present in the lives of all Indigenous peoples?

Holder and Corntassel present group rights as portrayed in contemporary theoretical debates, compare this portrayal with some of the claims actually advanced by various indigenous groups throughout the world, and give reasons for preferring the practical to the theoretical treatments. Their findings suggest that liberal-individualist and corporatist accounts of group rights actually agree on the kind of importance that group interests have for persons.

[...]haa-huu-pah are fundamental to teaching our families and communities who we are and how to govern ourselves on this land, intending to lead us toward action. Processes of restorying and truth-telling are not effective without some larger community-centred, decolonizing actions behind them. [...]haa-huu-pah signify a starting point for renewing Indigenous family and community responsibilities in the ongoing struggle for Indigenous justice and freedom. According to Alfred, \"The logic of reconciliation as justice is clear: without massive restitution, including land, financial transfers and other forms of assistance to compensate for past harms and continuing injustices committed against our peoples, reconciliation would permanently enshrine colonial injustices and is itself a further injustice\" (152). According to the settlement agreement, the amount of the CEP is determined by the following criteria: (1) ten thousand dollars ($10,000.00) to every Eligible CEP Recipient who resided at one or more Indian Residential Schools for one school year or part thereof; and (2) an additional three thousand ($3,000.00) to every eligible CEP Recipient who resided at one or more Indian Residential Schools for each school year or part thereof, after the first school year; and (3) less the amount of any advance payment on the CEP received.

Due to colonization and on-going imperial influences, Indigenous women have had to create new diplomatic spaces at the global, regional, state, and local levels to pursue simultaneous negotiations and assertions for both their individual rights as women and collective rights as members of Indigenous nations. Through a series of case studies, such as the recent Haudenosaunee re-occupation of Caledonia and Indigenous women's narratives of their own work and positions, we argue that Indigenous women engage in a politics of intersectionality as well as multi-layered citizenship in framing their diplomatic engagements. These frameworks reveal that spirituality and politics are interconnected and Indigenous women's multiple and intersecting roles and responsibilities, i.e., as family members, clan mothers, leaders, etc. are an integral part of any examination of Indigenous diplomatic strategies, thus challenging the traditional definitions of state-based diplomacy as well as a purely collective rights understanding of Indigenous self-determination.

A few years ago, while interviewing for a tenure-track position at a large, public institution in the Midwest, the author was informed that several faculty members suspected him of being \"an activist posing as an academic\" because the faculty thought that his research lacked \"objectivity.\" Based on subsequent conversations the author had during the interview process, he deduced that their ideal academic was someone who applied reductionist, social scientific methodologies to parochial, data-driven research questions. As a Tsalagi (Cherokee) scholar, who initially found the label of \"activist posing as an academic\" personally offensive, the author now takes pride in it, knowing that his dedication to Tsalagi people and Indigenous communities did not conveniently fit into a Western conceptualization of \"objectivity.\" He is also proud that these guardians of disciplinary turf so clearly recognized the \"applied\" nature of his research and community outreach. In this article, the author shares his experiences at a large, public university in the southeastern United States, where he had a tenure-track position with the political science department. The author's experiences at the university made him realize that he did not aspire to live in a world where his work would be read exclusively by other academics and where his work with Indigenous communities might be perceived as a distraction from the \"publish or perish\" mentality. By writing about his experiences at the university, the author hopes these stories will benefit other students and faculty members who may have confronted or will confront similar people and situations. (Contains 8 notes.)

A curious tunnel vision afflicts human rights specialists who are weak on international law, or indigenous people specialists who are weak on human rights. This concept is expanded upon to demonstrate that such \"super-specialists\" often pursue misguided strategies, particularly in their attempts to further \"the right of self-determination\" and enhance the \"sovereignty\" of indigenous people.