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In the three largest cities in Sweden, social movement \"scenes\"--networks of social movement actors and the places they inhabit--challenge threats such as gentrification.The geography of the built environment influences their ability to lay claim to urban space and to local political processes.

In recent years, the right has become a powerful force in many parts of the world. This review focuses primarily on the United States, with comparisons to rightist movements elsewhere. Our focus is movements, not political parties or intellectual trends. The article begins with terms and definitions and distinguishes conservative from right-wing movements. We then review changing theoretical orientations and the major findings on ideologies and characteristics of these movements. We also survey contextual factors that influence rightist mobilization and strategies used by rightist movements. We pay particular attention to New Right and New Christian Right conservative movements and to right-wing skinhead and white supremacist movements. A final section examines methodological and ethical concerns that arise in studies of the right. The conclusion recommends directions for future research.

This study examines social movement scenes—dynamic constellations of people and places—created by Swedish autonomous movements. Social movement scenes shape action, interpersonal dynamics among activists, and how activists see possibilities for social change. Autonomous movements reject representative democracy as a form of authority and, by extension, reject state institutions. This represents a radical departure from strict norms that characterize political and public life in Sweden in which political participation generally takes the form of party membership and/or activity with trade unions with strong ties to the state. Through ethnographic observation, in-depth interviews and analysis of artifacts such as newspapers, zines, flyers, and manifestos, I examine how and why Swedish autonomous social movements use “the Right to the City” as an organizing principle to create scenes as alternative forms of urban life in Stockholm, Göteborg, and Malmö. I find that gentrification and urban development shape the possibilities for social movement scenes in each city. At the same time, autonomous movements try to create scenes that will change the political, cultural and spatial landscapes of city neighborhoods. I conclude that staking territorial claims allows activists to shape the future of everyday life in urban neighborhoods.