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Cet article mobilise les données issues d’un travail d’observation participante au sein d’audiences d’expulsion de migrants dans le nord-est des États-Unis en se focalisant sur deux thématiques : (i) l’émergence d’un régime de déportation et ses mécanismes de violence structurelle et (ii) les normes de la violence dans les espaces de ce régime de déportation. Par régime de déportation, nous faisons ici référence aux systèmes et pratiques institutionnels créés par l’émergence d’un état de sécurité exceptionnel, aux appareils et rituels discrets et peu discrets utilisés pour discipliner les esprits et les corps des travailleurs immigrants avec ou sans papiers, et leurs conséquences collatérales. La violence structurelle se réfère aux arrangements systémiques qui infligent des dommages sociaux aux individus en les privant de leurs droits fondamentaux à l’existence, conduisant souvent à leur mort prématurée. L’article explore différentes formes de violence dans les espaces sociaux où le régime exerce son pouvoir presque incontrôlé. Il soutient que la violence qui découle du régime a un impact important non seulement sur les non-citoyens immigrants, mais aussi sur les citoyens immigrants et les citoyens non-immigrants. Cette violence structurelle induit un effet de spirale et d’amplification qui diffuse un large éventail de relations sociales, car son pouvoir intimide, terrorise, contient et subordonne des individus et des communautés, les soumettant à son mandat imposé par l’État pour retirer des éléments « indésirables » du corps social. Ces politiques et pratiques, parrainées par l’État, visent à déshumaniser, désorienter, distraire, humilier et intimider et ne sont pas les conséquences involontaires de politiques autrement rationnelles et mesurées visant le bien commun. In this contribution, I interpret data from an ongoing participant observation study of deportation hearings in the North-East United States using two analytical themes: (i) the emergence of the deportation regime and its mechanisms of structural violence, and (ii) the norms of violence in the spaces of the deportation regime. By deportation regime I am referring to the institutional systems and practices created under the emergence of an exceptional security state and the discrete and not so discrete apparatuses and rituals employed to discipline the minds and bodies of documented and undocumented immigrant labor and the collateral consequences that result. Whereas structural violence refers to the systemic social arrangements that inflict social harm on individuals by depriving them of their basic human rights to exist, often leading to their premature deaths. In my analysis, I focus on the various forms of violence in the social spaces where the regime exerts its almost unchecked power. I argue that the violence that flows from the regime has an extraordinary impact not only on immigrant non-citizens but also on immigrant citizens and non-immigrant citizens. This structural violence has a spiraling and amplifying effect, infecting a wide range of social relations as its power intimidates, terrorizes, contains and subordinate individuals and communities, subjecting them to its state-enforced mandate to remove “undesirable” elements from the social body. Such state-sponsored policies and practices aim to dehumanize, disorient, distract, humiliate and intimidate and are not the unintentional consequences of otherwise rational and measured policies aimed at the common good.

In 2008, the Ecuadorian Government launched a policy to increase public safety as part of its “Citizens’ Revolution” (La Revolución Ciudadana). An innovative aspect of this policy was the legalization of the country’s largest street gangs. During the years 2016–2017, we conducted ethnographic research with these groups focusing on the impact of legalization as a form of social inclusion. We were guided by two research questions: (1) What changed between these groups and society? and (2) What changed within these groups? We completed field observations and sixty qualitative interviews with group members, as well as multiple formal and informal interviews with government advisors, police leaders and state actors related to the initiative. Our data show that the commitment to social citizenship had a major impact on gang-related violence and was a factor in reducing the nation’s homicide rate. The study provides an example of social control where the state is committed to polices of social inclusion while rejecting the dominant model of gang repression and social exclusion practiced throughout the Americas.

I trace the socio-historical pathway of the concept of the credible messenger and related youth anti-violence interventions from the 1930s to a more radically imagined iteration by Eddie Ellis in the 1980s. The focus shifts to its present-day iterations as I review two widely adopted anti-violence programs. I conclude that today credible messengers and anti-violence interventions are: (i) primarily imagined within a framework of neo-liberal possibility; (ii) valued for their contributions on individual and/or group behavioral change; and (iii) conceived in programs outside of any discourse on the structural roots of crime, collective agency, or the historical struggle for social change and empowerment.

From Los Angeles and New York to Chicago and Miami, street gangs are regarded as one of the most intractable crime problems facing our cities, and a vast array of resources is being deployed to combat them. This book chronicles the astounding self-transformation of one of the most feared gangs in the United States into a social movement acting on behalf of the dispossessed, renouncing violence and the underground economy, and requiring school attendance for membership. What caused the Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation of New York City to make this remarkable transformation? And why has it not happened to other gangs elsewhere? David C. Brotherton and Luis Barrios were given unprecedented access to new and never-before-published material by and about the Latin Kings and Queens, including the group's handbook, letters written by members, poems, rap songs, and prayers. In addition, they interviewed more than one hundred gang members, including such leaders as King Tone and King Hector. Featuring numerous photographs by award-winning photojournalist Steve Hart, the book explains the symbolic significance for the gang of hand gestures, attire, rituals, and rites of passage. Based on their inside information, the authors craft a unique portrait of the lives of the gang members and a ground-breaking study of their evolution.

Cet article mobilise les données issues d’un travail d’observation participante au sein d’audiences d’expulsion de migrants dans le nord-est des États-Unis en se focalisant sur deux thématiques : (i) l’émergence d’un régime de déportation et ses mécanismes de violence structurelle et (ii) les normes de la violence dans les espaces de ce régime de déportation. Par régime de déportation, nous faisons ici référence aux systèmes et pratiques institutionnels créés par l’émergence d’un état de sécurité exceptionnel, aux appareils et rituels discrets et peu discrets utilisés pour discipliner les esprits et les corps des travailleurs immigrants avec ou sans papiers, et leurs conséquences collatérales. La violence structurelle se réfère aux arrangements systémiques qui infligent des dommages sociaux aux individus en les privant de leurs droits fondamentaux à l’existence, conduisant souvent à leur mort prématurée. L’article explore différentes formes de violence dans les espaces sociaux où le régime exerce son pouvoir presque incontrôlé. Il soutient que la violence qui découle du régime a un impact important non seulement sur les non-citoyens immigrants, mais aussi sur les citoyens immigrants et les citoyens non-immigrants. Cette violence structurelle induit un effet de spirale et d’amplification qui diffuse un large éventail de relations sociales, car son pouvoir intimide, terrorise, contient et subordonne des individus et des communautés, les soumettant à son mandat imposé par l’État pour retirer des éléments « indésirables » du corps social. Ces politiques et pratiques, parrainées par l’État, visent à déshumaniser, désorienter, distraire, humilier et intimider et ne sont pas les conséquences involontaires de politiques autrement rationnelles et mesurées visant le bien commun.

This paper sets out to explain to a sociological/criminological audience the theory and practice of what has become known as cultural criminology. The authors have approached this task as a dialog, a conversation, that brings together the critiques and abstractions of the theorist (Jock Young), with his 30-year involvement in the deviance field and the empirical data and experiences of the urban street researcher (David Brotherton) who has spent much of the last 12 years studying and working with gang members. Our aim is to show how this approach to the study of deviance is more appropriate in this period of late modernity than that which currently dominates the field, a positivistic fundamentalism bent on rendering human action into the predictable, the quantifiable, and the mundane.