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China's move to impose on Hong Kong a new National Security Law (NSL) in 2020 and accompanying \"electoral reforms\" in 2021 represent a complete hollowing out and abandonment of the city's liberal-democratic constitutional model that Beijing had promised to let stand. These policies turned Hong Kong's vaunted legal system into the chief instrument of repression, challenging the independence of the city's courts, law enforcement, and legislative process. This article traces the mass arrests made under the NSL and other challenges posed to basic freedoms across all sectors of the city's society. Does this hollowing out of constitutional guarantees represent the oft-discussed PRC alternative to Western liberal democracy?

Following a decision to require label warnings for concurrent use of opioids and benzodiazepines and increased risk of respiratory depression and death, the US Food and Drug Administratioin (FDA) recognized that other sedative psychotropic drugs may be substituted for benzodiazepines and be used concurrently with opioids. In some cases, data on the ability of these alternatives to depress respiration alone or in conjunction with an opioid are lacking. A nonclinical in vivo model was developed that could detect worsening respiratory depression when a benzodiazepine (diazepam) was used in combination with an opioid (oxycodone) compared to the opioid alone based on an increased arterial partial pressure of carbon dioxide (pCO2). The current study used that model to assess the impact on respiration of non‐benzodiazepine sedative psychotropic drugs representative of different drug classes (clozapine, quetiapine, risperidone, zolpidem, trazodone, carisoprodol, cyclobenzaprine, mirtazapine, topiramate, paroxetine, duloxetine, ramelteon, and suvorexant) administered alone and with oxycodone. At clinically relevant exposures, paroxetine, trazodone, and quetiapine given with oxycodone significantly increased pCO2 above the oxycodone effect. Analyses indicated that most pCO2 interaction effects were due to pharmacokinetic interactions resulting in increased oxycodone exposure. Increased pCO2 recorded with oxycodone‐paroxetine co‐administration exceeded expected effects from only drug exposure suggesting another mechanism for the increased pharmacodynamic response. This study identified drug‐drug interaction effects depressing respiration in an animal model when quetiapine or paroxetine were co‐administered with oxycodone. Clinical pharmacodynamic drug interaction studies are being conducted with these drugs to assess translatability of these findings.

Impulsive risk taking contributes to deleterious outcomes among clinical populations. Indeed, pathological impulsivity and risk taking are common in patients with serious mental illness, and have severe clinical repercussions including novelty seeking, response disinhibition, aggression, and substance abuse. Thus, the current study seeks to examine self-reported impulsivity (Barratt Impulsivity Scale) and performance-based behavioral risk taking (Balloon Analogue Risk Task) in bipolar disorder and schizophrenia. Participants included 68 individuals with bipolar disorder, 38 with schizophrenia, and 36 healthy controls. Self-reported impulsivity was elevated in the bipolar group compared with schizophrenia patients and healthy controls, who did not differ from each other. On the risk-taking task, schizophrenia patients were significantly more risk averse than the bipolar patients and controls. Aside from the diagnostic group differences, there was a significant effect of antipsychotic (AP) medication within the bipolar group: bipolar patients taking AP medications were more risk averse than those not taking AP medications. This difference in risk taking because of AP medications was not explained by history of psychosis. Similarly, the differences in risk taking between schizophrenia and bipolar disorder were not fully explained by AP effects. Implications for clinical practice and future research are discussed.

The first production version of the CERN Tape Archive (CTA) software is planned to be released during 2019. CTA is designed to replace CASTOR as the CERN tape archive solution, to face the scalability and performance challenges arriving with LHC Run–3. In this paper, we describe the main commonalities and differences between CTA and CASTOR. We outline the functional enhancements and integration steps required to add the CTA tape back-end to an EOS disk storage system. We present and discuss the different deployment and migration scenarios for replacing the five CASTOR instances at CERN, including a description of how the File Transfer Service (FTS) will interface with EOS and CTA.

According to the White Paper: China's central government has comprehensive jurisdiction over all local administrative regions, including the HKSAR. According to Hong Kong opinion surveys, this structure's most important plank is the guarantee to maintain the city's existing commonlaw legal system and its associated rule of law.

Impairments in social cognition are common in schizophrenia and predict poor functional outcome. The purpose of this proof-of-concept randomized, parallel group clinical trial was to assess whether intranasal oxytocin (OT), given before social cognitive training, enhances learning of social cognitive skills. Twenty seven male outpatients with schizophrenia participated in a 6-week (12 session) training on social cognitive skills. Training focused on three domains: facial affect recognition, social perception, and empathy. Subjects were randomly assigned (double blind) to receive either intranasal OTor placebo 30 min before each session. Participants did not receive OT between sessions or on the day of assessments. We evaluated scores on social-cognition measures, as well as clinical symptoms and neurocognition, at baseline, 1 week following the final training session, and 1 month later. Our prespecified primary outcome measure was a social-cognition composite score comprised of five individual measures. There were main effects of time (indicating improvement across the combined-treatment groups) on the social-cognition composite score at both 1 week and 1 month following completion of training. Subjects receiving OT demonstrated significantly greater improvements in empathic accuracy than those receiving placebo at both posttreatment and 1 month follow up. There were no OT-related effects for the other social cognitive tests, clinical symptoms, or neurocognition. This study provides initial support for the idea that OT enhances the effectiveness of training when administered shortly before social cognitive training sessions. The effects were most pronounced on empathic accuracy, a high-level social cognitive process that is not easily improved in current social cognitive remediation programs.

This essay examines how Beijing’s escalating crackdown on Hong Kong has systematically imposed authoritarian policies that undermine international human rights and the rule of law, abandoning China’s commitments both to the Hong Kong people and to the international community. MAIN ARGUMENT Confidence in the “one country, two systems” model China promised Hong Kong has slowly drained away in the years since the 1997 handover. In 2019, as “one country” seemed set to gobble up “two systems” under the weight of a proposed law to allow the extradition of accused from Hong Kong to the mainland, the people of Hong Kong staged one of the world’s largest ever protests to demand the autonomy, rule of law, and basic freedoms they were promised in the city’s Basic Law. In the face of government indifference and aggressive police tactics, these protests morphed into a confrontation that carried on for months throughout the second half of 2019. In 2020, Beijing responded with a total crackdown, imposing a national security law that undermined the core liberal institutions that have long sustained Hong Kong. To ensure absolute control, Beijing this year amended the Basic Law to impose new rules under which electoral committees can bar from the political process anyone deemed disloyal to the Chinese Communist Party regime. The new rules create an electoral model that profoundly violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requirements applicable to Hong Kong. POLICY IMPLICATIONS • International partners and organizations can play a more constructive role by focusing on meeting grassroot concerns. In this regard, recognition and support for autonomous territorial entities, such as Hong Kong, could be conditioned on adherence to relevant international and constitutional commitments to secure democratic representation, human rights, and the rule of law at the local level. • To encourage central government engagement on critical issues relating to human rights and the rule of law, diplomatic efforts ought to be multilateral, targeted, and involve clear messaging on the importance of the rule of law and international standards of human rights. • If Chinese and Hong Kong officials remain indifferent to both local and international concerns, immediate policies will need to focus on the exit and immigration concerns Hong Kong residents will face as they seek to escape the repressive conditions being imposed.

The menu-cost interpretation of sticky prices implies that the probability of a price change should depend on the past history of prices and fundamentals only through the gap between the current price and the frictionless price. We find that this prediction is broadly consistent with the behavior of nine Philadelphia gasoline wholesalers. Nevertheless, we reject the menu-cost model as a literal description of these firms' behavior, arguing instead that price stickiness arises from strategic considerations of how customers and competitors will react to price changes.

Much has been written about the retreat of liberal democracy. In Asia, a region where the notion of illiberal democracy has long been advocated, illiberalism and populism have spawned numerous constitutional crises. Drawing on experience from countries across Asia, this article stresses seven principles as a roadmap to establishing and maintaining a liberal constitutional democracy. These cover all stages of the process, from early mobilization and constitution-making to full implementation and consolidation, and they address issues of institutional autonomy, popular engagement, and ethnic and regional inclusion. Efforts at democratization in Asia have too often given insufficient attention to constitutional fundamentals and popular inclusion as critical ingredients on the path to establishing and maintaining stable democracies.