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\"The aim of this book, by providing a set of conceptual tools drawn from critical theory, is to open up questions and new problems and new research agendas for the study of environmental politics\"-- Provided by publisher.

Multilateral UN summits from Stockholm to Copenhagen have set the pace and direction for the global governance of sustainable development. The 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) was a key moment in the evolution of sustainable development as a discourse and summitry as a technology of government. It firmly established multi-stakeholder partnerships, carbon-trading and communication strategies as primary techniques for dealing with environmental crises. It was also a significant event in terms of South African domestic politics, witnessing some of the largest protests since the end of Apartheid. Carl Death draws on Foucauldian governmentality literature to argue that the Johannesburg Summit was a key site for the refashioning of sustainable development as advanced liberal government; for the emergence of an exemplary logic of rule; and for the mutually interdependent relationship between ‘mega-events’ (summits, world cups, Olympic games) and ‘mega-protests’ understood as Foucauldian counter-conducts. Analysing detailed and original research on the WSSD, Death argues that summits work to make politically sustainable a global order which is manifestly unsustainable. Paradoxically however, they also provide opportunities for the status quo to be protested and resisted. This work will be of great interest to scholars of development studies, global governance and environmental politics. Carl Death teaches environmental politics and African politics in the Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University. His chief area of research is the governance and contestation of sustainable development in Southern Africa, and he has spent time conducting research at the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of KwaZulu-Natal, and Dublin City University in recent years. Carl Death’s innovative examination of power/knowledge relations in operation at the 2002 WSSD reveals fascinating insights into how different stakeholders ‘performed’ and used the summit for their own ends. It also provides a nuanced interrogation of the underlying discourses and processes of ‘sustainable development’. Prof David Simon, Royal Holloway, University of London In Governing Sustainable Development, Carl Death deftly explores how mega-summits, a staple of global environmental politics, cannot be dismissed as theatrical grandstanding, because it is precisely in their theatre that they (re)produce powerful political discourses that shape the world’s responses to environmental change. As part of a growing Foucauldian literature on environmental politics, it is indispensable to understanding the role of mega-summits in global politics. Matthew Paterson, University of Ottawa, Canada 　 \"This is an exciting, new take on sustainable development. Too often dismissed in scholarly circles as mere rhetoric and empty slogans, this book lays bare the political effects of sustainable development, both globally and locally in South Africa.　 It is a major contribution to the emerging literature on global governmentality, highlighting not only the power of partnerships in contemporary environmental governance but also the possibilities of resistance.　 Incisive, engaging and timely, the book speaks directly to a wide range of audiences, including those interested in global governance, environment, development and South African politics.\" Rita Abrahamsen, University of Ottawa, Canada 1. Introduction 2. Power, Discourse, Government 3. Producing Sustainable Development 4. Negotiating Sustainable Development 5. Performing Sustainable Development 6. Resisting Sustainable Development 7. Conclusion

\"From climate-related risks such as crop failure and famine to longer-term concerns about sustainable urbanization, environmental justice, and biodiversity conservation, African states face a range of environmental issues. As Carl Death demonstrates, the ways in which they are addressing them have important political ramifications, and challenge current understandings of green politics. Death draws on almost a decade of research to reveal how central African environmental politics are to the transformation of African states.\"--Jacket flap.

This article identifies four contrasting global discourses of the green economy in contemporary usage: green resilience, green growth, green transformation and green revolution. These four discourses are manifested in recent green economy national strategies across the global South, including in Ethiopia, India, South Korea and Brazil. Disaggregating these discourses is politically important, and shows their different implications for broader political economies of the green state in the global South.

يتناول الكتاب أفكار حول الحياة والموت على حافة الألفية المؤلف كارل ساغان هذا الكتاب هو أخر ما كتبه كارل ساجان قبل موته في العام 1996 ولقد جمع المؤلف في هذا الكتاب أفكاره ومقالاته حول مواضيع متنوعة وعديدة ولكن بنفس الوقت في مهمة وكيف لا ومن يطرحها هو كارل ساغان بنفسه ولقد تكلم كارل ساغان بشكل مؤثر وأسلوب جذاب حول تضخم السكان وإجهاض النساء والأخلاقيات والكائنات الفضائية وحتى الإحتباس الحراري.

The ability of International Relations theory to ‘travel well’ to other parts of the world has become one of the central questions within the discipline. This article argues that a Foucauldian-derived ‘analytics of government’ framework has particular advantages in overcoming some of the difficulties IR theory has faced abroad. These advantages include a methodological focus on specific practices of power at their point of application; attention to similarities between practices of power that cut across perceived binaries such as the domestic and international, and public and private; and an illumination of the ways in which practices of freedom are combined and interrelate with forms of coercion and violence. This argument is illustrated in the context of debates about the applicability of Foucauldian theory to African politics, through examples drawn from Bayart's work on globalisation, the power of development partnerships, and violence and civil war. It argues that deploying governmentality as an analytical framework, rather than seeing it as a specifically neoliberal form of power relation, can not only facilitate the application of IR theory outside Europe and North America but can also help develop a broader perspective on genuinely world politics.

The environmental movement in South Africa is plural and diverse, but lacks a strong centre or unified framing. How can we explain and understand this, and what consequences does it have for ecological politics in South Africa? There are many environmental grievances, extensive resources available to potential social movements, and a broadly favourable political opportunity structure. On the other hand, prominent environmental organisations have faced a number of limits, obstacles and challenges that have prevented the formation of a strong, unified and popular 'green' movement. Movements on land, housing, and service delivery, however, have thrived in comparison, and, while they tend not to self-identify as environmental movements, they should be regarded as important elements of broader progressive environmental struggles in South Africa. Consumption may also become a powerful framing issue for environmental justice movements, and its relevance to contemporary South Africa is illustrated through a controversial township youth phenomenon known as 'pexing'. While it is important to ensure that South African environmentalism does not become inward-looking and nationalistic, a strong environmental movement is essential for driving a political transformation on to a more environmentally sustainable development path.

This article considers the resistance potential of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and their effects upon existing power relationships. It focuses upon the blocking of Eskom's proposed new test nuclear reactor by the environmental NGO Earthlife Africa, at Koeberg, South Africa, the site of Africa's only existing nuclear power plant. This was achieved through their engagement with, and contestation of, the South African EIA process. It occurred within a context of a globally uncertain future for the nuclear industry, and broader questions over the possible role of nuclear power in sustainable development. Whilst initially appearing as an example of environmental resistance against a big development project, by approaching the case through the lens of Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality the article suggests that Earthlife Africa's challenge reinforced existing power relationships and legitimised an essentially pro-development EIA process. This is particularly evident when considering the relationship between EIAs and established scientific authorities, and the problematic role of public participation. However, by regarding the EIA as an example of 'bearing witness' some sense of its resistance potential can be reclaimed. The article concludes by suggesting that a broader debate on nuclear power in South Africa is desirable, and that environmental NGOs should seriously consider the degree to which they accept and participate in the EIA process.

Disruptive protest by nonstate actors often accompanies global governance conferences, but little analysis has been devoted to disaggregating its diverse forms. This article identifies four types of disruptive protest—symbolic, procedural, coercive, and evasive—and illustrates them with examples from UN environmental conferences in Stockholm (1972), Rio de Janeiro (1992), Johannesburg (2002), and Rio de Janeiro (2012). Symbolic disruption in Stockholm contributed to the production of new discourses; procedural disruption in Rio in 1992 introduced new actors and texts; some protestors sought to directly and coercively disrupt the summit in Johannesburg; and protests in Rio in 2012 illustrate disruption through evasion and exit. Understanding the form and power of such disruptive protests is crucial for studies of global governance.

The fossil fuel divestment campaign began as a precursor to and now exists alongside more recent environmental movements such as Extinction Rebellion, climate strikes, and the campaign for a Green New Deal. Climate change and energy politics are likely to increasingly dominate the global political economies of the twenty-first century as rising temperatures and intense confrontations over energy production and consumption continue to have profound impacts on poverty, inequality, vulnerability, wealth, and security. Here, Death discusses how the campaign for fossil fuel divestment actually aims to make change happen and examines the main logics of political change at work in the fossil fuel divestment movement.