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The widespread extinctions of large mammals at the end of the Pleistocene epoch have often been attributed to the depredations of humans; here we present genetic evidence that questions this assumption. We used ancient DNA and Bayesian techniques to reconstruct a detailed genetic history of bison throughout the late Pleistocene and Holocene epochs. Our analyses depict a large diverse population living throughout Beringia until around 37,000 years before the present, when the population's genetic diversity began to decline dramatically. The timing of this decline correlates with environmental changes associated with the onset of the last glacial cycle, whereas archaeological evidence does not support the presence of large populations of humans in Eastern Beringia until more than 15,000 years later.

The Ice Free Corridor has been invoked as a route for Pleistocene human and animal dispersals between eastern Beringia and more southerly areas of North America. Despite the significance of the corridor, there are limited data for when and how this corridor was used. Hypothetical uses of the corridor include: the first expansion of humans from Beringia into the Americas, northward postglacial expansions of fluted point technologies into Beringia, and continued use of the corridor as a contact route between the north and south. Here, we use radiocarbon dates and ancient mitochondrial DNA from late Pleistocene bison fossils to determine the chronology for when the corridor was open and viable for biotic dispersals. The corridor was closed after ∼23,000 until 13,400 calendar years ago (cal y BP), after which we find the first evidence, to our knowledge, that bison used this route to disperse from the south, and by 13,000 y from the north. Our chronology supports a habitable and traversable corridor by at least 13,000 cal y BP, just before the first appearance of Clovis technology in interior North America, and indicates that the corridor would not have been available for significantly earlier southward human dispersal. Following the opening of the corridor, multiple dispersals of human groups between Beringia and interior North America may have continued throughout the latest Pleistocene and early Holocene. Our results highlight the utility of phylogeographic analyses to test hypotheses about paleoecological history and the viability of dispersal routes over time.

Numerous studies in the US Southwest suggest that prehistoric artiodactyl populations in areas of dense human settlement experienced population reductions which substantially reduced their availability to human hunters. Although most assemblages from villages in this region are dominated by lagomorphs, some settlements maintained greater access to artiodactyls. Factors influencing this variability include both local settlement history and settlement location relative to productive source areas for large game. In our study areas, source-sink dynamics likely contributed to the long-term resilience of hunted artiodactyl populations and allowed villagers continued access to animals moving in from source areas despite relatively rapid game depletion in heavily hunted areas immediately around villages.

Three seasons of fieldwork at Charlie Lake Cave, British Columbia, have revealed a sequence of stratified deposits that spans the Late Pleistocene and entire Holocene. Analyses of sediments, radiocarbon dates, faunal remains, and artifacts show that the site was first occupied by people at about 10 500 B.P., when local environments were more open than today. By 9500 B.P., boreal forest had moved into the area, and human use of the site was minimal until about 7000 B.P., when a brief occupation of the site probably included a human burial. Use of the site intensified after about 4500 . P., possibly because the cave became more accessible. The site was used both as a residential base camp and as a more temporary hunting station or lookout. /// Trois saisons de travaux sur le terrain à la grotte de Charlie Lake (Colombie-Britannique) ont révélé une séquence de dépôts stratifiés qui embrasse le pleistocène tardif et tout l'holocène. Des analyses de sédiments, des datations au radiocarbone, des restes fauniques et des artefacts montrent que l'occupation du site par des individus remonte à environ 10 500 BP, alors que le milieu local était plus ouvert qu'aujourd'hui. En 9500 BP, la forêt boréale avait colonisé la région et l'utilisation du site par les êtres humains a été minime jusqu' à environ 7000 BP, alors qu'une occupation brève du site a probablement inclus une inhumation. L'utilisation du site s'est intensifiée après environ 4500 BP, peut-être parce que la grotte est devenue plus accessible. Le site a été utilisé à la fois comme camp résidentiel de base et comme poste de chasse et de guet plus temporaire.

A small assemblage of bison bones from the Palaeoindian (10,700 to 9500 BP) components at Charlie Lake Cave, British Columbia is dominated by elements from the middle and lower limbs. The skeletal element frequencies are not typical of a kill site. The lithic assemblage, the lack of evidence for burning, and the ratio of long bone shaft fragments to epiphyses suggest that the assemblage was not produced at a residential site nor at a specialized processing area. We propose that the assemblage resulted from storage of frozen bison limbs in a series of meat caches, probably located in a small cave that would have been difficult for scavengers to enter. Un petit assemblage d'ossements de bison provenant des composantes paléoindiennes (10,700 à 9500 AA) du site Charlie Lake Cave, Colombie-Britannique, est dominé par des éléments des membres inférieurs et moyens. Les fréquences d'éléments squelettiques ne sont pas typiques d'un site de tuerie. L'assemblage lithique, l'absence d'indice de feu, et le ratio entre les fragments de diaphyses d'os longs et les épiphyses suggèrent que l'assemblage n'est ni le produit d'un site résidentiel, ni celui d'une aire de boucherie spécialisée. Nous proposons que cet assemblage reflète l'entreposage de membres de bison gelés dans une série de caches à viande, probablement localisées dans une petite cave, difficilement accessible aux charognards.

The Albert Porter Pueblo great house, located in the central Mesa Verde region, was surrounded by numerous residential structures during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. Using a variety of exploitation measures of wild game and turkeys, we test three hypotheses to see if there are meaningful similarities or differences in the faunal assemblages from the great house and the domestic households that surrounded it. Although the great house was a unique and prominent architectural feature at Albert Porter Pueblo, the faunas from the great house are generally similar to those from surrounding structures. However, there is some evidence that more meat of cottontails and turkeys was consumed in the great house compared to domestic structures during Pueblo III. Overall, all members from Albert Porter had equal access to animal food and those used in rituals and ceremonies. We explore different interpretations of social organization suggested by faunal remains.

Two raven skeletons were excavated from Charlie Lake Cave, British Columbia, in association with Paleoindian occupations dated at about 10,500 and 9500 B.P. The distribution and condition of the bones, the association with artifacts, the configuration and location of the site, and data from ethnographic and historic sources contribute to the argument that the two ravens were deposited deliberately by people.

In this paper we highlight the value of taking standardized measurements from fragmented bones of turkeys (Meleagris gallopavo) from ancient sites in the American Southwest. We present turkey measurement data from two sites in the Central Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado; Albert Porter and Sand Canyon Pueblos, dating to the Pueblo II and III (AD 920-1280) periods. Our analyses indicate that fragmented bone epiphyses can successfully distinguish male from female turkeys. Such data can be used to construct population profiles of turkeys and contribute to an understanding of husbandry and the domestication process. At Albert Porter Pueblo we also investigated whether or not turkeys from the Pueblo II period (A.D. 920-1140) differed in size from turkeys during Pueblo III period (A.D. 1140-1280). Although the average bone measurements are smaller for turkeys from Pueblo II compared to Pueblo III, our data are inconclusive and limited by small sample sizes.

Native Americans of the American Southwest consumed a predominantly vegetarian diet (e.g., Matson and Chisholm 1991), but animals were important sources of protein, fat, minerals, and vitamins (Mann 2000; Spielmann and Angstadt-Leto 1996; Wing and Brown 1979). The supply of meat was a critical limiting factor in human nutrition and health but also probably played a role in human perception of the quality of life in the Southwest. Meat is a highly valued food in most cultures (Abrams 1987), and in Southwestern communities meat was probably sought for its taste and for the feeling of well-being it provides. In this