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How can peace initiatives facilitate authoritarian practices? Peace initiatives that do not address the root causes of conflict, and maintain structural violence, can facilitate authoritarian practices through both material and discursive mechanisms. I use the recent steps towards normalization and, in some instances, peace agreements between Israel and a number of Arab states to make this argument. I examine this dynamic across Gulf Cooperation Council states with varying authoritarian practices and ties to Israel. This paper contributes to our understanding of the impacts of illiberal peace and how it functions, transnationally and at varying levels within and outside state authority.

Arab social science scholarship, and IR in particular, has been systematically underfunded and sidelined by governments across the region. As such, IR scholars in the Arab world have struggled to produce scholarship in hostile and authoritarian environments, let alone address efforts to decolonise. Of the few initiatives of indigenising social science that exist in the Arab world, the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (DI) and its founding institution, the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (ACRPS), are the main examples. In this intervention, I will review the attempts to indigenise and decolonise IR within these institutions. I focus on how the DI is implementing three main approaches: increasing access to the discipline, rethinking how we teach IR, and facilitating theory production from the region. I demonstrate the strengths and weaknesses of the three abovementioned approaches by drawing attention to performative measures on the part of regional scholars, and pretending localism on the part of scholars in the Global North, which together help to perpetuate neomarginalisation. The shortcomings discussed permeate and distort attempts to decolonise the discipline within the Arab world.

Researchers discuss the logistics of successful fieldwork but not the mental health considerations that fieldwork and the research process introduce. Successful fieldwork and fruitful academic careers hinge on acknowledging and managing our mental health. We discuss peer-support networks, secondary trauma, coping skills, therapy, and researchers’ mental health options before, during, and after fieldwork.

This paper argues that both the institutions and the social cohesion of Palestinians in Jerusalem were dealt a heavy blow following the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994. The Palestinian Authority increasingly demobilized Palestinians within Jerusalem and eroded traditional institutions. Nevertheless, the Israeli occupation’s intention to repress Jerusalemites by shutting down their organizations has inadvertently opened up new opportunities for collective action. Since then, Jerusalemites have begun reviving traditional institutions and working to address Israeli policies. This article incorporates new quantitative and qualitative data on the most recent waves of protest to make the argument that social cohesion is crucial to understanding protest capacity in East Jerusalem today.

This article investigates the dynamics of discrimination in political science PhD programs with a survey of current political science graduate students in the top 50 departments. The study focuses on mentorship, funding, sexual harassment, racism, homophobia, and labor exploitation: 20% of respondents reported labor exploitation, 19% experienced racial discrimination, 9% reported sexual harassment, and 6% experienced homophobia. Discrimination is uneven across individuals; some groups of graduate students experience widespread discrimination, especially racial discrimination, whereas other groups are largely unaware of these issues. We conducted a survey experiment to gauge the impact of misconduct on formal reporting mechanisms and find that hearing about racial discrimination has a chilling effect on reporting. We find that experiencing discrimination harms how satisfied students are in their program. We find that factors linked to student vulnerability, such as international status and funding, are significantly associated with harassment and that reporting discrimination predicts more discrimination.

What are the organizational consequences of moral shocks? Moral shocks are events or critical junctures that spark “visceral reactions against a reprehensible reality” (Pearlman 2013). They help individuals overcome fear, enabling them to engage in political mobilization despite heightened risks. This phenomenon has often been used to explain how political protests arise, but the mechanisms linking moments of moral shock to their outcomes remain less theorized. This article examines a transnational movement community, the Palestinian national liberation movement during and after the Unity Intifada of 2021, to delineate the organizational consequences of moral shocks, particularly considering the processes of outbidding.

Jordan has weathered a number of political challenges inspired by the Arab Spring in a way that has preserved the regime's control. The Jordanian military's role in these developments has been neglected, but is critical to understand particularly as the US and its coalition partners continue to deal with violent extremist threats in the region.

Palestinians called it the Unity Intifada-an unprecedented level of street mobilization spanning communities on both sides of the Green Line. Some villages and towns had not seen such protests since the second intifada, over two decades ago. They erupted as a result of a number of coalescing factors: the expulsion of Palestinian families in parts of East Jerusalem, the restrictions and repeated assaults on Palestinians in the Old City, and then the airstrikes on Gaza.In the lead-up to and aftermath of the protests, activists were cognizant and intentional about how they framed these shows of unity. These were not explicitly protests in solidarity with one another, but rather Palestinians asserting their national identity and insisting that they all suffered from various manifestations of the same phenomenon: settler colonialism. This insistence could be clearly seen in the organized events that took place, such as the 18 May economic strike and the \"consciousness-raising\" activities in communities across historical Palestine, intended to highlight the continuity of the Palestinian struggle and link Palestinians from various locations with one another. We saw a number of examples of this phenomenon, from organized tours of Palestinian cities and villages to street markets-all of which were successful in connecting Palestinian communities, from Nazareth to Jenin to Haifa. And while many of the protests were not organized prior to them taking place, but were rather eruptions of anger and frustration, Palestinian activists seized the moment to create popular committees in a number of communities and to call for new ways of resisting the occupation moving forward, free of traditional political institutions such as the political parties or the High Follow-Up Committee.The level of mobilization and the rejection of traditional politics was what made this moment unique, but it certainly did not come out of the blue. The events of the Unity Intifada, particularly how and where they emerged, are the logical conclusion to the Oslo Accords policies, which have demobilized certain segments of the Palestinian population, on one hand, while inadvertently creating new opportunities for resistance, on the other. This essay will provide context for these mobilization patterns in Palestinian communities within the Green Line, Jerusalem, and the 1967 occupied territories and explain why we saw protests break out in the way they did. I will then conclude with a summary of what was accomplished and what remains to be accomplished.