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Since the 2019 Tripoli war, Türkiye has emerged as Libya's most influential foreign actor, extending its reach across military, political and economic arenas, while Washington and other Western powers have remained largely absent. As Libyan expert Hafed Al Ghwell, senior fellow at Johns Hopkins University, told the Washington Report, \"Nothing happens today in Libya without the consent of Ankara.\" This perception is more than rhetorical--Libyan political actors increasingly turn to Ankara as a mediator and power broker. While Turkish troops and drones remain entrenched in western Libya, Ankara has expanded its economic footprint. Turkish companies now play a central role in infrastructure, energy and municipal development projects, increasingly outbidding US and European competitors. Beyond business, Türkiye has leveraged strategic agreements to insert itself within Libya's political institutions, tying the country's reconstruction and energy sectors directly to Ankara's broader regional ambitions. By consolidating influence across military, economic and political domains, Türkiye has transformed itself from a tactical backer of one faction into the country's dominant external power.

Last Feb, the African Union (AU) took one of its boldest steps toward accountability and justice for centuries of colonialism, slavery, cultural plunder and resource exploitation it endured at the hands of Western powers. By declaring 2025 the Year of Colonial Accountability and Reparations, the AU effectively proclaimed: Africa is here, and it will no longer be silenced. The move is long overdue. For decades, African leaders and intellectuals have called for redress, not only for the violence and exploitation of colonial rule but also for the enduring economic, political and social structures that continue to disadvantage African nations and people of African descent worldwide. Yet despite its historic weight, the AU's declaration immediately sparked questions: Why did it take Africa more than six decades of independence to formally embrace this demand? And can it succeed in advancing reparations when former colonial powers--from London to Paris to Lisbon--still refuse even the most basic step of issuing an unambiguous apology?

Since the outbreak of war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in 2023, Sudan--led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the country's de facto head of state--has accused the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of fueling the conflict by bankrolling and supplying the RSF with weapons, including drones. By backing renegade General Mo-hamed Hamdan Dagalo (commonly known as Hemedti), the UAE is blamed for deepening Sudan's civil war. On May 5, the ICJ dismissed Sudan's case, ruling it lacked jurisdiction. The 15-judge panel did not assess the genocide allegations themselves but focused on whether the Court had authority to hear the case. Pointing to the UABs refusal to recognize Article IX of the Genocide Convention, the Court concluded it was powerless--a textbook example of procedural technicalities blocking justice. The decision was surprising to many observers.

[...]its traditional role as the vanguard of Arab solidarity has been undermined, leading to a crisis of identity and influence in the broader Middle East. In its 2024 report, the Food and Agriculture Organization said that 14 percent of Egyptians experience food insecurity and the country ranks 63 out of 121 nations on the 2024 Global Hunger Index-down from 57 in 2023. Egypt has introduced positive domestic economic policies. Since taking power over a decade ago, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has enacted notable economic reforms, launched healthcare initiatives benefitting the average Egyptian and constructed a new administrative capital to ease Cairo's notorious congestions.

The trial of Libyan citizen Mohammad Mas'ud Kheir Al Marimi, 74, was due to begin in Washington, DC on May 12, but has been postponed at the request of the prosecution and defense due to Mas'ud's health issues and the complexity of the case. He is accused of making the bomb that destroyed Pan Am Flight 103, killing 270 people over Lockerbie, Scotland on Dec. 21, 1988. Many observers believe if Mas'ud gets a fair trial and good defense, he will not be convicted. Back in 2001, two other Libyans were tried in special court in The Netherlands which ended in convicting Abdel Basset alMegrahi and acquitting Lamin Fahima. Al-Megrahi, who died in 2012, protested his innocence until his last breath. Most observers and legal experts, including Dr. Hans Kochler, the United Nations-appointed expert, believed that al-Megrahi and Libya were framed and the court in The Netherlands was neither objective nor fair.

Fetouri discusses the humiliation of Libya. Many Libyans believe their country is being pulled apart by foreign meddlers and self-confessed informants for foreign countries whose newly \"polished\" legitimacy is founded in their role as proxies for foreign countries (which remains, in theory at least, a treasonous act punishable by death). The evidence, they say, is in plain view. Meddling is widespread. There is hardly any issue in which foreign diplomats, emissaries and other agents do not interfere. They feel entitled to casually comment, offer unwanted advice or simply criticize any subject at hand. This bizarre intrusion is, to many Libyans of a certain age, a repeat of how the country used to be governed during its early years of independence. Most Libyans know too little about the security and maritime deal the former Government of National Accord (2015-2021) signed with Turkiye, which allowed the deployment of troops and Syrian mercenaries. It is not known, for example, how long the Turks plan to stay (and why) or even where they are.

When was the last time you heard of the League of Arab States (LAS), also known as the Arab League? Probably it has been more than a few years. Even your favorite magazine, the Washington Report, has not mentioned it since 2018, yet Google Maps says their respective Washington, DC addresses are a five minute drive apart! Clinically dead organizations are not newsworthy, and their members do not usually pronounce their passing. Over the decades and despite its failure (or maybe because of it), LAS man aged to survive by being static. Organizations age, just like people, and they need periodic revitalization or radical change. Not LAS. It has become more like a souvenir than a living structure capable of responding to its surroundings in a proactive way. Even its web site, its gateway to the people it claims to represent, is primitive. Its hundreds of employees never respond to emails, leaving the public in the dark about its work. Its secretariat hardly publishes annual performance or financial reports.

Many Libyans today believe their country is worse off than it was back in 2011 when Col. Muammar Qaddafi was in charge. To the majority, Qaddafi was the \"guarantor\" of social stability, eco nomic prosperity and above all \"security despite all his shortcom ings and policy failures,\" said Musbah, a high school teacher who does not want his family name published. \"We really miss the man.\" To prove his point, Musbah referred to the thousands of people who celebrated the 55th anniversary of Qaddafi's coming to power on Sept. 1, 1969. This year's celebrations of al-Fateh Revolution, or the coup de tat that brought the 27-year-old Col. Qaddafi to power, have been notable for two reasons: they were widespread across Libya, making the event nosier, more jubilant and more center stage; and they were attended by large numbers of people, most of whom were children 13 years ago. They hardly knew Qaddafi let alone experienced life under his rule.

In July 2024, Morocco signed a $1 billion deal with Israel Aero space Industries (IAI) to purchase advanced satellites used mostly for spying and monitoring purposes. The deal, according to various news reports, was to further enhance the military relations between Rabat and Tel Aviv within the larger context of normalization of ties between the two sides within the even bigger U.S.-initiated and backed project of further integrating Israel into the region even as it commits genocide in Gaza. IAI turned the war in Gaza into a huge marketing opportunity as it tries to capitalize on the Ukrainian war and sell more weapons to European clients. What IAI's drones are doing in Gaza provided a perfect pro motional showcase of IAI's capabilities.