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Trophic interactions are critical drivers of ecosystem change and stability, yet are often excluded from fishery assessment models. For fisheries that are primarily dependent on a single prey species, replacing single species assessment models with multispecies models may improve population estimates while quantifying the impact of species interactions on fishery dynamics. In Lake Ontario, recreational salmonine fisheries, including Chinook Salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) and Lake Trout (Salvelinus namaycush), are heavily dependent on a single prey species, Alewife (Alosa pseudoharengus). My dissertation research focuses on assessing these predator-prey dynamics and then exploring how novel data streams could improve the assessment model. First, I developed a multispecies stock assessment model that jointly estimates the dynamics of Chinook Salmon, Lake Trout, and Alewife. I found that a risk assessment of future predator-prey dynamics indicated that recruitment of naturally reproduced Chinook Salmon could be a key driver of future fishery sustainability and additional data on the relative abundance of naturally reproduced fish could improve model estimates. Second, to address this data gap, I piloted a project to explore if parentage-based tagging could be an accurate monitoring program to provide data on the relative abundance of hatchery-origin and naturally reproduced Chinook Salmon. Third, I compared the resource-efficiency of parentage-based tagging to a suite of other mass marking techniques that have been used to differentiate hatchery-origin and naturally reproduced Chinook Salmon in Lake Ontario. Finally, I assessed the impact of a parentage-based tagging monitoring program on improving model estimates relative to expanding existing monitoring programs.

Few effectiveness studies exist evaluating group Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) for mood disorders as it is applied in an acute intensive outpatient (IOP) level of care. IOP treatment is critical for patients who need more support than weekly outpatient therapy, but are not meeting criteria for inpatient admission. It is crucial to study the outcomes of IOP treatment to determine if group CBT is effective applied at this level of care. The aims of this study were to examine the treatment outcomes of a 24-day, 3-hours per day, group CBT IOP for mood disorders at a major west coast psychiatric hospital. Archival data were utilized (n = 2836) collected from 2009 – 2017, which included outcomes of self-report inventories, Beck Depression Inventory-II, Burns Anxiety Inventory, and number of days the patient participated in the program from pre- to post- treatment. No demographics were available for these data. Two data sets were created, a completer and intent-to-treat (ITT) group. The completer data set excluded those with missing post- inventories and the ITT group utilized last carried forward method, replace missing post- scores with patients’ pre-scores. All analyses were run for both groups and the two groups were not found to be significantly different. Results of a paired samples t-test found a significant decrease in depression as measured by the BDI-II, and anxiety as measured by the BAI from pre- to post- treatment. Multiple regression analyses found the severity of depression as measured by the BDI-II at admission and the number of days attended in the program significantly predicted improvement in depression at discharge. Greater severity of depression at admission was associated with greater improvements at discharge and the more days a patient attended in the program were related to better improvements at discharge. 23.62% of patients recorded within the data set attended 20 or fewer days in treatment. This may represent both patients who discharged prematurely from the program due to an inpatient psychiatric admission or patients who dropped-out of treatment. Continued research is warranted to further investigate identifiers of attrition in order to improve treatment outcomes for all patients.

The current research tested whether improving perceptions of hard interdependence (i.e., a work ethic common to lower-class individuals) can increase perceptions of warmth and competence and the elicitation of positive behaviors toward lower-class students. In Study 1, I varied target social class and work ethic to test the relative contribution of class and work ethic on perceptions of students. Lower-class targets were perceived to be greater in warmth, competence, work ethic than higher-class targets. In contrast, hard interdependent targets were perceived as less competent, less hardworking, shyer, and a less desirable partner than expressive independent targets. In Study 2, participants were assigned to a manipulation in which they were taught to reattribute hard interdependence from laziness to work ethic (i.e., attributional retraining), class-unrelated manipulation, or a control condition. Participants were asked to evaluate targets that exhibited differing work ethic styles, including hard interdependence. Participants in the experimental manipulation condition rated hard interdependent targets as more desirable partners than participants in the other two conditions but warmth and competence did not mediate these perceptions as attributional retraining did not increase perceptions of warmth or competence.

We are asking what motivates human beings to reflect morally, which is both a philosophically interesting question and one that would seem necessarily interesting for anyone involved in character education. What motivates us to think about subjects with a moral eye, makes us reason our way to moral clarity, and sustains our efforts until we reach moral judgments. Here, we limit the response to this question to the moral theories of Hobbes and Hume, from which we hope to infer how these two philosophers would have responded to the question themselves. Hobbes thinks we derive moral standards through reflection on how we ought to live our lives so as to avoid the state of war and achieve a peaceful, comfortable existence in which we may hope for more of the same. Achieving this existence depends on coming to know the means to a state of peace and living according to those means, according to the laws of nature. We discern the means to peace through reasoning driven by desire not for immediate goods but for “long term” goods. The desire necessary to discover moral laws is trained on what is “commonly a good”—on public interest, not on private. The impartial desire necessary to discern and seek such a good is only possible in a quiet mind. Moral reflection is motivated by the desire to know the means to peace driving a quiet mind. Hume also acknowledges the necessity of moral reflection. Beyond having social and psychological incentives for taking an interest in morality, we are moved to moral reflection by our natural passion for the “good of mankind,” which Hume calls the affection of humanity . This passion moves us to reflect morally only when we are disposed to the attitude which he refers to as the principle of sympathy and are thinking from a general point of view. Sympathy conveys to us the relevant pleasure and pain of others, and the general point of view frees us from self-centeredness. The affection of humanity moves us to moral judgment, approval of what benefits and disapproval of what diminishes humankind.

‘Value pluralism’ is a strand of analytical philosophy that posits the plurality of morally significant values. By enabling systematic mapping of the diversity of moral registers within which social policy concerns might legitimately be considered, we contend that value pluralist-inspired analysis can aid constructive policy dialogue. Our argument is founded on four claims: first, as a matter of normative principle, value pluralism represents a defensible ethical standpoint; second, as a matter of fact, people are attracted to a plurality of moral values; third, as a matter of democratic legitimacy, pluralism offers a means of (partially) reconciling rival moral claims; fourth, as a matter of political strategy, pluralism offers a pragmatic approach that can engage protagonists on their own terms. To demonstrate its efficacy, we apply this pluralist approach to the vexed question of welfare conditionality, which we interrogate via six normative perspectives (rights, utilitarianism, contractualism, communitarianism, paternalism and social justice).

Street homelessness policies often provoke great intensity of feeling, especially when they include elements of force. This paper considers the moral case stakeholders present for and against enforcement in street homelessness policies via a series of philosophically informed normative ‘lenses’, including paternalist, utilitarian, rights-based, contractualist, mutualist and social justice perspectives. Drawing on in-depth qualitative research in six UK cities, it highlights the disparity between the condemnatory portrayals of enforcement dominant in academic and media discourses, and the more complex and/or ambivalent views held by practitioners and homeless people ‘on the ground’. It concludes that an analytical framework that pays systematic attention to this span of normative lenses can facilitate more constructive, even if still ‘difficult’, conversations about policy interventions in this exceptionally sensitive area. 对待街头无家可归者的政策往往会激起人们强烈的情感反应，当这些政策包含了强力执法因素时尤其如此。本文通过一系列具有哲学依据的规范性“透镜”，包括家长主义、功利主义、权利主义、契约主义、互惠主义和社会正义方面的视角，研究了支持和反对街头无家可归者政策强制执法的道德辩论利益相关者。基于对英国六个城市的深入定性研究，本文凸显了在学术和媒体话语中占主导地位的、对强制执法的谴责性描述与现场执法人员和无家可归者持有的更复杂和/或矛盾的观点之间的差异。本文的结论是，一个系统地关注这一系列规范性“透镜”的分析框架可以促进关于这一异常敏感领域的政策干预的更具建设性的对话，即使这种对话仍然将“困难重重”。

Background There is an important need to evaluate whether rehabilitation services effectively address the needs of minority culture populations with North America’s increasingly diverse population. The objective of this paper was therefore to review and assess the state of knowledge of barriers and facilitators to cultural competence in rehabilitation services. Method Our scoping review focused on cultural competence in rehabilitation services. Rehabilitation services included in this review were: audiology, speech-language pathology, physiotherapy, and occupational therapy. A search strategy was developed to identify relevant articles published from inception of databases until April 2015. Titles and abstracts were screened by two independent reviewers according to specific eligibility criteria with the use of a liberal-accelerated approach. Full-text articles meeting inclusion criteria were then screened. Key study characteristics were abstracted by the first reviewer, and findings were verified by the second reviewer. Results After duplicates were removed, 4303 citations were screened. Included articles suggest that studies on cultural competence occur most frequently in occupational therapy ( n  = 17), followed by speech language pathology ( n  = 11), physiotherapy ( n  = 6), and finally audiology ( n  = 1). Primary barriers in rehabilitation services include language barriers, limited resources, and cultural barriers. Primary facilitators include cultural awareness amongst practitioners, cultural awareness in services, and explanations of health care systems. Conclusion To our knowledge, this review is the first to summarize barriers and facilitators to cultural competence in rehabilitation fields. Insufficient studies were found to draw any conclusions with regards to audiological services. Minimal perspectives based on patient/caregiver experiences in all rehabilitation fields underscore a research gap. Future studies should aim to explore both patient/caregiver and practitioner perspectives as such data can help inform culturally competent practices.

There is intense debate over the legitimacy of interventions which seek behavioural change on the part of street homeless people. ‘Hard’ measures, such as arresting people for begging, are particularly controversial, but ‘softer’ interventions such as motivational interviewing have also prompted objections on grounds that they are paternalistic. At the same time, the ‘non-interventionist’ stance of some service providers has been accused of perpetuating harmful street lifestyles. Inspired by Ruth Grant's philosophically informed interrogation of the ethics of incentives, we propose a normative framework for application in this field. Via systematic exploration of Grant's three ‘legitimacy standards’ (legitimate purpose, voluntary response, effects on character), and an additional outcome-focussed fourth (effectiveness, proportionality and balance), we attempt to unsettle any intuitive assumption that non-interventionist approaches are necessarily more morally defensible than interventionist ones. We also, however, explicate the high ethical and empirical bar required to justify social control measures.

The rhetoric and practice of localism has attracted significant support within both political and academic circles in the UK in recent years. However, it is the contention of this article that there are, or should be, limits to localism as applied to the basic citizenship rights of vulnerable people. Drawing on a ten-year, mixed-methods study, we use the example of sharply rising homelessness in England to illustrate our argument that localist policymaking has an intrinsic tendency to disadvantage socially marginalised groups. While we acknowledge the central role played by austerity in driving up homelessness over the past decade, we advance the case that the post-2010 localist agenda of successive UK governments has also had an independent and malign effect. At the very least, we seek to demonstrate that localism cannot be viewed as a taken-for-granted progressive model, with centralism (that is, the consistent implementation of a policy across a whole country) also perfectly defensible on progressive grounds in relevant circumstances.