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This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil.

This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the demographic responses of the large slaver land holders of Rio de Janeiro, to the British pressure to end slavery in the Atlantic Ocean. It places special emphasis on the decades of 1810 and 1820, although it covers a longer period in lesser detail. The article questions the idea, widely disseminated in Brazilian historiography, that the internal slave trade in Brazil was enough to respond to the demands of growing slaver plantations and, therefore, that the natural positive growth of the slave population and of slavery were incompatible variables in colonial and imperial Brazil. O presente trabalho trata das respostas demográficas dos grandes fazendeiros escravistas do Rio de Janeiro às pressões britânicas pelo fim do tráfico atlântico de escravos, com ênfase para as décadas de 1810 e de 1820, embora tangencie período maior. Nele questiona-se a ideia, amplamente disseminada na historiografia brasileira sobre a escravidão, de que o tráfico interno de escrava bastava para atender às demandas da plantation escravista em crescimento e, por conseguinte, que crescimento natural positivo da população escrava e escravidão eram variáveis incompatíveis no Brasil colonial e imperial. El presente trabajo analiza las respuestas demográficas de los grandes hacendados esclavistas de Rio de Janeiro, a las presiones británicas por el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Estudia con especial énfasis las décadas de 1810 y 1820, aunque tangencialmente revisa un período más largo. Se cuestiona la idea, ampliamente diseminada en la historiografía brasileña sobre la esclavitud, de que la trata interna de esclavos era suficiente para atender a las demandas de la plantation esclavista en crecimiento y, por consiguiente, que crecimiento natural positivo de la población esclava y esclavitud eran variables incompatibles en el Brasil colonial e imperial.

O presente trabalho parte da constatação da natureza relativamente anódina dos estudos acerca dos quilombos em sociedades escravistas nas Américas, os quais não raro juntam numa única categoria (quilombos, cumbes, palenques, mainels, etc.) estruturas que podiam englobar menos de uma dezena de fugitivos e durar semanas ou meses, ou, como no caso de Palmares, congregar até 11 mil quilombolas e persistir por quase um século. Semelhante anomalia conceptual revela a falta de taxonomias que encarem os quilombos como estruturas efetivamente históricas que podiam circunscrever-se a meras hordas, ou evoluir para a condição de comunidades autossustentáveis, capazes de se autorreproduzirem económica e demograficamente por longos períodos.This work attempts to address the lack of a systematic study of the communities of runaway slaves in the Americas. Characteristically, there is a tendency to put together under the same category settlements that accommodated fewer than ten or twelve fugitives and lasted for only a few weeks or months and others (such as was the case of Palmares) that included up to 11,000 settlers and lasted for almost a century. This conceptual anomaly is here taken as a sign that we are in bad need of a taxonomy that allows for a study of quilombos (settlements of runaway slaves) as truly historical structures which may be no more than a small band of refugees but may also evolve to include communities that achieved a considerable measure of economic and populational self-sufficiency.

This work attempts to address the lack of a systematic study of the communities of runaway slaves in the Americas. Characteristically, there is a tendency to put together under the same category settlements that accommodated fewer than ten or twelve fugitives and lasted for only a few weeks or months and others (such as was the case of Palmares) that included up to 11,000 settlers and lasted for almost a century. This conceptual anomaly is here taken as a sign that we are in bad need of a taxonomy that allows for a study of quilombos (settlements of runaway slaves) as truly historical structures which may be no more than a small band of refugees but may also evolve to include communities that achieved a considerable measure of economic and populational self-sufficiency. Adapted from the source document.

El presente trabajo analiza las respuestas demográficas de los grandes hacendados esclavistas de Rio de Janeiro, a las presiones británicas por el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Estudia con especial énfasis las décadas de 1810 y 1820, aunque tangencialmente revisa un período más largo. Se cuestiona la idea, ampliamente diseminada en la historiografía brasileña sobre la esclavitud, de que la trata interna de esclavos era suficiente para atender a las demandas de la plantation esclavista en crecimiento y, por consiguiente, que crecimiento natural positivo de la población esclava y esclavitud eran variables incompatibles en el Brasil colonial e imperial.

El presente trabajo analiza las respuestas demográficas de los grandes hacendados esclavistas de Rio de Janeiro, a las presiones británicas por el fin de la trata de esclavos en el Atlántico. Estudia con especial énfasis las décadas de 1810 y 1820, aunque tangencialmente revisa un período más largo. Se cuestiona la idea, ampliamente diseminada en la historiografía brasileña sobre la esclavitud, de que la trata interna de esclavos era suficiente para atender a las demandas de la plantation esclavista en crecimiento y, por consiguiente, que crecimiento natural positivo de la población esclava y esclavitud eran variables incompatibles en el Brasil colonial e imperial.

O presente trabalho trata das respostas demográficas dos grandes fazendeiros escravistas do Rio de Janeiro às pressões britânicas pelo fim do tráfico atlântico de escravos, com ênfase para as décadas de 1810 e de 1820, embora tangencie período maior. Nele questiona-se a ideia, amplamente disseminada na historiografia brasileira sobre a escravidão, de que o tráfico interno de escrava bastava para atender às demandas da plantation escravista em crescimento e, por conseguinte, que crescimento natural positivo da população escrava e escravidão eram variáveis incompatíveis no Brasil colonial e imperial.

Four out of every ten African slaves who disembarked in the Americas were imported by Brazil, yet the history of the African slave trade in Brazil is perhaps the least known among all the large-scale trade routes of the modern era. For this reason, the production ofThe Transatlantic Slave Trade: An Expanded and Online Database(henceforth TSTD2) is auspicious, since it seeks to provide both to specialists and to the interested public research instruments that can illuminate the history of the African diaspora in the Americas. It is especially gratifying that much of the new material embodied in TSTD2