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Polarization in the USA has been on the rise for several decades. In this context, few observers expect politics today to stop “at the water’s edge,” as the old cliché goes. But key questions about the relationship between polarization and US foreign policy remain to be fully answered. To what extent are American ideas about foreign policy now polarized along partisan lines? How is polarization changing the foreign policy behavior of the US Congress and President? And how is polarization altering the effectiveness of US foreign policy and influencing America’s role in the world? In this introductory article to our special issue “Domestic Polarization and US Foreign Policy: Ideas, Institutions, and Policy Implications,” we provide an overview of key debates and existing knowledge about these questions, highlight important new findings from the contributions to the special issue, and suggest avenues for further research on this increasingly important topic.

Research indicates that polarization has led to an increasing dispersion between moderate and more extreme voters within both parties. Intraparty polarization supposedly affects the nature of interparty competition as it creates political space for new political realignments and the rise of anti-establishment candidates. This article examines the extent and impact of intraparty polarization in Congress on US trade policy. Specifically, the article examines whether (and which) trade policy preferences are distributed within and between both parties, as well as how intraparty polarization has influenced the outcome of US trade negotiations. It is theorized that intraparty polarization causes crosscutting legislative coalitions around specific trade policies and political realignments around ideological factions, with consequences for the outcome of trade negotiations. By relying on a unique dataset of congressional letters and co-sponsorship legislation, the article first derives trade policy preferences from members of Congress and computes their ideological means. Two contemporary cases of US trade policy are examined: The Transpacific Partnership Agreement and the US–Mexico–Canada Agreement. Via a structured-focused comparison of both cases, the paper finally assesses under which combinations of preference-based and ideology-based intraparty polarization Congress manages to ratify trade agreements. Findings suggest that both parties are intrinsically polarized between free trade and fair trade preferences yet show variance in their degree of ideology-based intraparty polarization. These findings contribute to existing work on bipartisanship as well as factions in the foreign policy realm, as it shows under which circumstances legislators can build crosscutting coalitions around foreign policies.

Abstract The global wave of populism has recently drawn the attention of foreign policy analysts. Despite significant contributions, we still know little about populist leaders’ conceptions of their nation's identity and how these inform foreign policy preferences. What understanding do populists have regarding what their nation stands for and how high it stands in comparison to others? In this article, I introduce a theoretical model of identity-driven foreign policymaking that examines the national identity conceptions of six populist leaders and their non-populist predecessors via an original quantitative content analysis of foreign policy speeches. The article further assesses whether this identity conception translates into foreign policy preferences for revisionism toward the liberal international order by examining voting behavior in the UN General Assembly. The article contributes to conceptual and methodological approaches in foreign policy analysis to study individuals, as well as provides comparative empirical evidence for what drives populists’ foreign policy thinking.

Nicht erst seit der Präsidentschaft und Außenpolitik von Donald Trump gibt es gute Gründe zu vermuten, dass die Kontestation innerstaatlicher Ordnung in den USA im Zeitverlauf so stark variieren kann, dass ihre (zeitweilige) Illiberalität die Stabilität einer liberalen internationalen Ordnung untergraben kann. Die in diesem Literaturreview diskutierten Werke deuten auf einen Wandel von formalen und informellen Institutionen und deren Interaktion im (außen-)politischen Prozess der USA hin. Es werden gezielt Monographien und Sammelbände in den Blick genommen, welche die Innenpolitik der amerikanischen Außenpolitik adressieren und die US-Politik daraufhin untersuchen, inwiefern die parteipolitische Polarisierung und die populistische Außenpolitik der Trump-Administration, die Beziehungen zu zentralen Partnern und Kontrahenten in zwei zentralen Weltregionen (Europa und Asien) verändern. Das Literaturreview bietet erste Bausteine für ein Forschungsprogramm an, welches die innenpolitischen Veränderungen in den USA systematisch mit der Rolle der USA gegenüber anderen Staaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren verbindet. Not only since Donald Trump's presidency and foreign policy have there been good reasons to suspect that the contestation of domestic order in the U.S. can vary over time to such an extent that its (temporary) illiberality can undermine the stability of a liberal international order. The works discussed in this literature review point to a shift in formal and informal institutions and their interaction in the U.S. (foreign) policy process. Monographs and edited volumes that address the domestic politics of U.S. foreign policy are targeted, and which examine U.S. policy to determine the extent to which the Trump administration's partisan polarization and populist foreign policy are changing relations with key partners and adversaries in two key world regions (Europe and Asia). The literature review offers initial building blocks for a research program that systematically links domestic policy changes in the U.S. to the role of the U.S. vis-à-vis other states and non-state actors.

Nicht erst seit der Präsidentschaft und Außenpolitik von Donald Trump gibt es gute Gründe zu vermuten, dass die Kontestation innerstaatlicher Ordnung in den USA im Zeitverlauf so stark variieren kann, dass ihre (zeitweilige) Illiberalität die Stabilität einer liberalen internationalen Ordnung untergraben kann. Die in diesem Literaturreview diskutierten Werke deuten auf einen Wandel von formalen und informellen Institutionen und deren Interaktion im (außen-)politischen Prozess der USA hin. Es werden gezielt Monographien und Sammelbände in den Blick genommen, welche die Innenpolitik der amerikanischen Außenpolitik adressieren und die US- Politik daraufhin untersuchen, inwiefern die parteipolitische Polarisierung und die populistische Außenpolitik der Trump-Administration, die Beziehungen zu zentralen Partnern und Kontrahenten in zwei zentralen Weltregionen (Europa und Asien) verändern. Das Literaturreview bietet erste Bausteine für ein Forschungsprogramm an, welches die innenpolitischen Veränderungen in den USA systematisch mit der Rolle der USA gegenüber anderen Staaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren verbindet. Not only since Donald Trump's presidency and foreign policy have there been good reasons to suspect that the contestation of domestic order in the U.S. can vary over time to such an extent that its (temporary) illiberality can undermine the stability of a liberal international order. The works discussed in this literature review point to a shift in formal and informal institutions and their interaction in the U.S. (foreign) policy process. Monographs and edited volumes that address the domestic politics of U.S. foreign policy are targeted, and which examine U.S. policy to determine the extent to which the Trump administration's partisan polarization and populist foreign policy are changing relations with key partners and adversaries in two key world regions (Europe and Asia). The literature review offers initial building blocks for a research program that systematically links domestic policy changes in the U.S. to the role of the U.S. vis-à-vis other states and non-state actors.

Stomatin is a widely distributed 32kD membrane protein of unknown function. In biochemical studies it is associated with cholesterol+sphingomyelin-rich 'rafts' in the cytomembrane. Genetic studies in C. elegans, supported by microscopic studies in mammalian tissue and co-expression studies in oocytes, suggest a functional link with the DEG/ENaC (degenerin/epithelial Na+ channel) superfamily of monovalent ion channels. Since ENaC channels play a prominent role in the physiology of the respiratory epithelium, we have studied the immunolocalization of stomatin in mature and developing human airway epithelium by means of Western blot analysis, immunocytochemistry, and immunoelectron microscopy. Stomatin immunoreactivity (stomatin-IR) was found in the ciliated cells of the conductive airway epithelium in a distinct distribution pattern with the strongest signal along the cilia. Immunogold labelling revealed immunogold particles at the basal bodies, along the cilia, and at the membrane of the microvilli. The presence of stomatin-IR paralleled the stages of ciliogenesis in airway development, and its appearance preceded the elongation of the axoneme and the cilial outgrowth. Due to its presence in the different cellular locations in the ciliated cell, we suggest that stomatin is involved in various cellular functions. From its ultrastructural position, stomatin could be a candidate for a membrane-associated mechanotransducer with a role in the control of ciliary motility. Stomatin as a raft protein might be a microtubule associated protein moving along the outer surface of the microtubules to its terminal site of action in the cilia. Stomatin-IR in microvilli supports the hypothesis of a co-localization with beta- and gamma- ENaC and, in conclusion, their potential functional interaction to control the composition of periciliary mucus electrolytes.