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While the currently prevailing conceptual framework of first mover advantages (FMAs) specifies various market mechanisms through which first movers can gain pioneering benefits, it is incomplete by failing to consider the role of political resources in creating FMAs. In this context, this article aims to add the political mechanism to the current classification of FMA mechanisms. The article further serves as a window to an understanding of the long-term process of acquiring, sustaining, and exploiting firm-specific political resources in international business, which has been neglected in prior studies on business--government relations. Detailed analysis of three case studies suggests that the causal relationship between political resources and FMAs is a complex one; while non-market strategies can be used successfully by first movers, they can also be used by late movers to neutralize FMAs. The article proposes a model for understanding the link between FMAs and political resources.

Using the example of multinational oil companies, this article suggests that there are fundamental problems surrounding the capacity of private firms to deliver development and the aspiration of achieving development through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) may be fundamentally flawed. The article is based on an extensive twelve-month research project on the Gulf of Guinea region funded by the Nuffield Foundation. This research identified a number of constraints to a developmental role for CSR: the subservience of CSR schemes to corporate objectives; country- and context-specific issues; the failure to involve the beneficiaries of CSR; the lack of human resources; technical/managerial approaches of company staff and the lack of CSR's integration into larger development plans. But even if private companies were able to overcome practical problems, it argues that the current CSR agenda fails to address the crucial issues of governance and the negative macro-level effects that multinational companies cause in host countries. The article concludes by suggesting that a focus on CSR may divert attention from broader political, economic and social solutions for developmental problems.

This article evaluates the potential of the current Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) agenda for addressing issues related to societal governance. The investigation focuses on the experience of the oil and gas sector, which has been among the leading industry sectors in championing CSR. In particular, the article analyses the issue of revenue transparency, which has been the principal governance challenge addressed by multinational oil and gas companies. The article suggests that (1) tackling governance challenges is crucial to addressing the impact of corporate activities; (2) current CSR and policy initiatives are entirely insufficient in addressing governance challenges and (3) corporate activities may be contributing to governance failures.

In less than a decade, Equatorial Guinea has transformed itself from an African backwater into one of the world’s fastest growing economies and a sought-after political partner in the Gulf of Guinea. The sole reason for this transformation has been the discovery of oil and gas. This article outlines the rise of Equatorial Guinea as one of Africa’s leading oilproducing countries and investigates the political, economic and social effects of becoming a petro-state. The article is based on the author’s field research in Equatorial Guinea in the autumn of 2003 and interviews with senior oil company staff, government officials and staff of international organizations as well as secondary sources. This research demonstrates how reliance on oil and gas exports can lead to profound changes in a country’s political economy.

As elsewhere in the world, Africa has experienced a rise in litigation against transnational corporations for adverse environmental and social impact. Cape plc and RTZ have been sued in British courts for environmental damage and for breach of employment rights in Africa. Companies which sold products to South Africa's former apartheid regime, such as Fujitsu and IBM, are now being sued in US courts. Shell and Chevron are being sued in US courts for human rights abuses in Nigeria. At the same time, foreign firms have been successfully sued in African courts for social and environmental damage. This article outlines the main relevant court cases and attempts to assess the significance of this litigation. The discussion of litigation in this article is divided into three parts: court cases filed in English, American and African (mainly Nigerian) courts. This is followed by an explanation of the triggers of legal change, a discussion of the impact of litigation and the conclusion.

While the islands of São Tomé e Príncipe (STP) were once a leading cocoa producer, cocoa production is now relatively insignificant and the country is little known today outside the lusophone world. But STP could soon gain strategic and economic importance as its territorial waters are suspected to hold large quantities of crude oil. This article explores STP's shift away from domination by cocoa exports, narrating the decline and final collapse of the plantation economy and the country's slide towards overwhelming dependence on external assistance in the form of foreign aid and external debt. In this context, it calls STP an unviable state as its fledgling domestic economy fails to generate enough revenue to sustain its highly import-reliant consumption patterns. But it finds STP on the verge of another major transformation as it is likely to become a crude oil producer within a few years. In the course of this research, the authors came across major irregularities in the conduct of the country's oil policy and some of this information appears for the first time in the public domain. In this context, their research points to opportunities for rent-seeking and corrupt behaviour, which stem from access to foreign aid and natural resources.

How far can Corporate Social Responsibility (csr) initiatives help to address poverty, social exclusion and other development challenges? What is the balance of responsibilities between state, market and civil society in addressing these problems and meeting the UN Millennium Development Goals (mdgs)? What new tools, strategies and methodologies are required to harness the positive potential contribution of business to development and deter corporate irresponsibility? This special issue brings together a dynamic mix of academics and development specialists to address these themes in a focused and innovative way. In this introductory article, we consider some of the key cross-cutting themes and insights raised by the contributions. The aim of the introduction and the special issue is to start to fill the gap in our understanding of how, when and through what means business can help to reduce poverty, while recognising the equally powerful potential of the business community to exacerbate poverty. Taking particular csr initiatives as a starting point, we seek to look at the broader developmental footprint of business-as-usual strategies, as well as those which fall under the banner of csr, to gain a fuller picture of how business is implicated in the development process.

Conflicts between oil companies and village communities in the Niger Delta have lasted for several decades, but during the 1990s they escalated further and received international media coverage. Much of it focused on the anti‐Shell protests by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) which led to Shell's withdrawal from the Ogoni area in 1993. Notwithstanding the political changes following General Abacha's death in June 1998, the conflicts are continuing. While the intensity of the Ogoni protests decreased from 1995 onwards, other ethnic and political groups across the Niger Delta began to disrupt oil activities. This article critically examines the response of the Nigerian state and the oil companies to the anti‐oil protests in the Delta. The investigation focuses on three generic strategies: concessions by the state and oil companies to protesters, such as the creation of development projects; the use of public relations in dealing with the Niger Delta crisis; and the use of violence by the state and the oil companies against anti‐oil protesters. The analysis suggests that the state and corporate response to the Niger Delta crisis has so far been inadequate in the sense that it fails to satisfy the demands of the local people. Judging from past experience, unless there are structural changes within Nigeria's institutional framework, which would allow for a more effective use of the country's oil wealth for the benefit of the oil‐producing areas, conflicts in the Niger Delta are likely to continue.

Language affects almost every aspect of management in multinational enterprises (MNEs) but little is known about the impact of language on environmental performance. Our study investigates how language diversity affects the environmental performance of MNEs worldwide. We show that the grammatical structure of a language – specifically the first pronoun drop – is an important factor explaining the environmental performance of firms. Our analysis of 4454 company-year observations suggests that MNEs operating in societies that permit the first pronoun drop tend to have better environmental performance. Furthermore, we explore the impact of linguistic structure on the relationship between environmental performance and corporate political activity (CPA). We find that using the first pronoun drop of the local language moderates the influence of CPA on firms’ environmental performance. Our study concludes that international managers must pay greater attention to the neglected role of language in implementing environmental initiatives.

Anthropologists since the 1990s have paid greater attention to the state and governmentality than to one of the most consequential forms of power in our time, the corporation. The lack of attention to corporations is especially problematic when the harm they cause is readily apparent and substantial. We propose to reorient the study of power in anthropology to focus on the strategies corporations use in response to their critics and how this facilitates the perpetuation of harm. We identify three main phases of corporate response to critique: denial, acknowledgement and token accommodation, and strategic engagement. In case studies of the tobacco and mining industries, we show how corporate responses to their critics protect these industries from potential delegitimization and allow them to continue operating in favorable regulatory environments. Finally, we connect these corporate strategies to pervasive feelings of discontent about the present and the perceived inability to change the future. Although corporations usually benefit from the politics of resignation, we argue that widespread dissatisfaction with corporate practices represents an important starting point for social change.