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This article presents a brief history of the Monroe Doctrine since its articulation in 1823. First conceived as a statement in opposition to European instrusions in the Americas, it became under President Theodore Roosevelt a justification for U.S. intervention. To cultivate Latin American trade and goodwill during the Great Depression and the Second World War, Franklin Roosevelt's administration accepted the principle of nonintervention. Later with the onset of the Cold War, perceived international imperatives led to a series of new interventions in countries such as Guatemala, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Chile. Though typically couched in idealistic rhetoric emphasizing Pan-American commitments to solidarity and democracy, the various versions of the Monroe Doctrine consistently served U.S. policy makers as a means for advancing what they understood as national strategic and economic interests.

Before the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations, historians of American foreign relations worked in relative isolation from on another and possessed neither a professional organization nor a journal of their own. Gilderhus discusses how beneficial the organization was in fostering his own professional development as well as many professional relationships.

The work of Samuel Flagg Bemis, characterized here as the \"founding father\" of US-Latin American studies, is examined. Bemis' work functions as a kind of benchmark for the 1930s through the 1950s and also serves as a point of reference for comparing and contrasting historiographical tendencies during the past half-century.

The United States and Somoza, 1933-1956 by Paul Coe Clark Jr / Theodore Roosevelt's Caribbean by Richard H. Collin / The Rich Neighbor Policy by Elizabeth Anne Cobbs / Prize Possession by John Major / and others.

The author sees a parallel with Benedict Anderson's conception of \"imagined communities\" according to which in this instance \"the convenient yet spurious nature of the Mexican-Cuban 'special friendship'\" took shape by promulgating an \"anti-imperialist, revolutionary rhetoric of mutual affiliation throughout a history of 'resistance' to 'oppression.'\" (pp. 15-16). White has written an illuminating work while employing appropriate conceptual apparatus based on archival materials and other materials available to him in Mexico City, Havana, and Washington, D.C. His work effectively reveals a regional subset of international relations within the larger Cold War context.