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Background The hypothalamus is thought to play a crucial role in the recurrence of migraine attacks, exhibiting activity prior to the onset of a migraine attack. Nonetheless, our comprehension of the roles of its subunits, especially during the interictal phase, remains limited. This study investigated hypothalamic volumetric differences between individuals with episodic migraine and healthy controls, with scans conducted during the interictal phase, free from the effects of preventative medications. Methods We analyzed hypothalamic volumes in 30 patients with episodic migraine without aura (MO), scanned during interictal periods and not on preventative medication, and in 30 healthy controls (HCs) matched for age and sex. Volumetric segmentation was performed of both hypothalamic subunits (anterior-inferior, anterior-superior, posterior, tubular inferior, and tubular superior) and the entire hypothalamus using magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) with T1-weighted sequences. General linear models were employed to evaluate volumetric differences after controlling for age, sex, and total brain volume. Results The volumes of hypothalamic subunits and overall hypothalamus volumes exhibited no statistically significant differences between HCs and MO patients ( p  > 0.05). No associations were found between the clinical characteristics of MO and the total hypothalamic volume or its subunits. Conclusions These findings suggest that the hypothalamus and its subregions do not exhibit detectable volumetric alterations during the interictal phase in patients with migraine without aura.

Amid the urgent need to decarbonize, the industry that delivers one-tenth of global electricity must consult the public on reactor research, design, regulation, location and waste. Amid the urgent need to decarbonize, the industry that delivers one-tenth of global electricity must consult the public on reactor research, design, regulation, location and waste.

After a period of intellectual dormancy, studies of nuclear weapons and proliferation are enjoying a comeback within the field of international security. The current wave of nuclear studies is characterized by theoretical eclecticism and the absence of a dominant research theme, with, instead, an impressive array of topics being explored and debated. The present volume represents a good example. It seeks to better our understanding of the institutional dimension of nuclear governance, which, as a topic of academic inquiry, has been largely neglected in past years. In chapter 1, Jeffrey Knopf frames the role of institutions as a puzzle by

Open tibial shaft fractures are the most common of long-bone open fractures. Management of the fracture is either by intramedullary nailing (IMN) or by external fixation (EF). Since the literature does not indicate clearly which is more effective, a meta-analysis was conducted to establish which approach is more suitable to treat Gustilo type III fractures. MEDLINE, the Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, EMBASE and CINAHL databases were searched for randomised controlled trials (RCT) describing IMN and EF treatment of Gustilo type III fractures. As of 15 November 2012, five RCT involving 239 patients had been published; the outcomes examined in this study are their surgical complications. Data analysis led complications to be grouped into infection, fracture healing problems (non-union, malunion) and “other complications” (vascular injury, revision surgery, soft tissue damage, mechanical failure and tibial malalignment). IMN was associated with lower rates of infection and fracture healing problems; the differences between the two approaches for “other complications” were not significant. The data indicate that IMN is the treatment of choice for Gustilo type III fractures.

This thesis explores the role of regional powers in the development of regional nuclear regimes. Its central argument is that the devise of regional nuclear regimes through the leadership of regional powers is driven by both functional and strategic reasons. Functionally, regional nuclear institutions serve to provide more tailored solutions to respond to nuclear risks emerging at the local level. Strategically, the formation of sub-global institutions enables regional powers to exercise considerable influence on nuclear governance processes at both regional and global levels. And in situations where regional powers are dissatisfied with the global nuclear-institutional status quo, regional nuclear institution-building provides an incomparable opportunity to question that status quo and challenge, albeit indirectly, the preferences of the United States, their main architect. The type of leadership provided by regional powers in the establishment of regional nuclear regimes is affected dynamically by two relationships: the regional powers' relation with the United States and their relation with secondary regional players. The former relation is defined as 'global nuclear alignment' and refers to the degree of proximity of the regional power towards U.S. nuclear preferences. The latter is defined as 'regional embeddedness' and captures the degree of convergence of regional powers' nuclear preferences with those of its most proxy regional contender, as well as the level of commitment shown by the regional power vis-à-vis regional integration. The thesis argues that when both relations are low, divergence of the regional nuclear regime from global nuclear institutions is most acute. Conversely, when only one of the relations is high, the regional nuclear regime tends to converge with global nuclear institutions, either in goals or in methods. The theoretical framework is applied to investigate three cases of regional leadership as provided by Brazil, Indonesia and France in the establishment of the regional nuclear regimes in their respective regions.

International efforts to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD)-including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons-rest upon foundations provided by global treaties such as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). Over time, however, states have created a number of other mechanisms for organizing international cooperation to promote nonproliferation. Examples range from regional efforts to various worldwide export-control regimes and nuclear security summit meetings initiated by U.S. president Barack Obama. Many of these additional nonproliferation arrangements are less formal and have fewer members than the global treaties. International Cooperation on WMD Nonproliferationcalls attention to the emergence of international cooperation beyond the core global nonproliferation treaties. The contributors examine why these other cooperative nonproliferation mechanisms have emerged, assess their effectiveness, and ask how well the different pieces of the global nonproliferation regime complex fit together. Collectively, the essayists show that states have added new forms of international cooperation to combat WMD proliferation for multiple reasons, including the need to address new problems and the entrepreneurial activities of key state leaders. Despite the complications created by the existence of so many different cooperative arrangements, this collection shows the world is witnessing a process of building cooperation that is leading to greater levels of activity in support of norms against WMD and terrorism.

How has a relatively new organization like Hamas been able to ‘blur the boundaries between a narrow territorial state (dawla qutriyya) and a broad Islamic nation (Umma)’? (Mishal and Sela, 2000, p. 32). Gellner argues that ‘Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness, it is rather the invention of nations where they do not exist’ (cited in Marty and Appleby, 1993, p. 622). According to this rationale, Hamas has been able to win over the minds and hearts of Palestinians by re-imagining the identity and the features of this yet-to-be Palestinian state. It has done so by situating and historizing the Palestinian struggle in the universal search for a renewed Islamic caliphate, and by providing for and empowering vulnerable social groups like the refugees in the Gaza Strip, who had been previously marginalized by the secular power system.

More than any other non-nuclearweapon state except Belarus and Kazakhstan, Ukraine, received through the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, an unprecedented set of tailored negative security assurances from Russia, the UK, and the US, the three depositary states of the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). These assurances were extended at the time of Ukraine's accession to the NPT as a potent political reward in support of the country's decision to become a non-nuclear- weapon state by eliminating all nuclear weapons from its territory. Thirty years later, the country has been set ablaze by the Russian army. Europe and the world are now held hostage by a Russian president willing to resort to the threat of nuclear weapons use. Here, Giovannini examines whether the negative security assurances mean anything at all in the age of irresponsible nuclear-armed states.

This 2021 marks a major milestone for the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO). The multilateral body was founded to support implementation and compliance with the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which established a prohibition on all nuclear weapons test explosions anywhere. After a protracted and combative election process against incumbent Lassina Zerbo, Australian candidate Rob Floyd prevailed with a convincing majority; and as of August 1, 2021, he has taken over as the CTBTO's fourth executive secretary.