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Stealth Marketing and Editorial Integrity is the first article in the legal literature to address the normative implications of covert marketing in mass media. For business, technological, and cultural reasons, advertisers and propagandists are increasingly using editors to pass off promotional messages as editorial content. This integration of sponsorship allows marketers to cut through communications clutter and audience resistance to marketing. In this way, the practices of payola, product placement, and sponsored journalism are proliferating and spreading into newer media forms like blogs and video games. A federal sponsorship disclosure law has proscribed these practices in broadcasting for nearly a century. Despite high-profile recent controversies about the practices, the legal literature is devoid of any systematic analysis of the problem that stealth marketing presents or the values that sponsorship disclosure might serve, whether in broadcasting or other media. This Article fills that void by providing a normative theory of sponsorship disclosure law informed by the First Amendment, bribery law, and information theory more generally. Drawing on the economic theory of Ronald Coase and the social theory of Jürgen Habermas, I identify the harm of undisclosed sponsorship in media as a degradation of the robust public discourse that is necessary to a democracy and is possible even in a highly commercialized media sphere. The Article concludes with a proposal for revamping and extending sponsorship disclosure law beyond broadcasting in a manner that is technology-neutral and sensitive to the evolution of digital technologies. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Trauma and co-occurring substance use disorders are disproportionately prevalent in individuals involved in the criminal justice system. The Thurston County Drug Court Program (TCDCP) in Washington State conducted a preliminary study with 220 participants arrested for nonviolent, felony drug-related crimes. All TCDCP participants were required to engage in a structured 12- to 18-month 3-phase program referred to as Program as Usual (PAU). Data was collected from 2004 to 2009 to investigate the efficacy of adding an \"Integrated Trauma Treatment Program\" (ITTP) component for those endorsing a Criterion A trauma history (68% of TCDCP). The ITTP combined 2 empirically supported trauma therapies in a phased, integrated approach: mandatory Seeking Safety groups followed by voluntary, individual eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) therapy. The investigators hypothesized that trauma-specific treatment might improve existing program outcomes, including higher graduation rates and lower postprogram recidivism. One hundred twelve of the initial 150 participants endorsing trauma completed the Seeking Safety groups and were offered individual EMDR therapy. Of those 112, those who selected EMDR therapy (n = 65) graduated at a rate of 91%; those who declined (n = 47) graduated at 57%. Recidivism rates also differed among TCDCP graduates: PAU, 10%; graduates selecting EMDR therapy, 12%; and graduates declining EMDR, 33%. This article summarizes the literature, describes the ITTP program, reports on graduation rates and recidivism outcomes, and discusses possible differences between those who selected and those who declined EMDR therapy. The authors discuss the benefits of including EMDR therapy in drug court programs with recommendations for future research.

There may be no topic more critical for patient engagement than health care choices at the end of life. Death, like birth, is after all a universal experience. Yet people know that too many Americans are not dying in the way they would choose -- for example, by receiving palliative care at home, rather than potentially futile rescue care in the hospital. Enter the Conversation Project, a grassroots public campaign designed to change the way the nation grapples with end-of-life care. As a result, the Conversation Project launched a full-blown public engagement campaign in August 2012, encouraging people to have honest and intimate discussions with their loved ones at the kitchen table about how they want to spend their last days. One of the Conversation Ready pioneers is UPMC, a large integrated delivery system. This institution is developing ways for end-of-life preferences to become a standard part of the electronic health record, accessible to any provider in the system.

Current media policy debates today are marred by outdated and ultimately unworkable justifications for government intervention in media markets. Both proponents and opponents of such intervention have obscured the appropriate goals of media policy. Moreover, they have paid insufficient attention to the impact of digital media on the marketplace of ideas. This Article proposes a new account of media policy goals and offers the first detailed analysis of how new media market dynamics should affect future media policies. Policies that promote greater diversity in video products, whether through regulations or subsidies, serve both reactive and proactive purposes. In its reactive posture, media policy aims to correct what I call narrow market failures. These are failures of media markets to deliver content that small audience segments desire. But media policy must also pursue a proactive agenda by supplementing even well-functioning markets. This proactive thrust responds to broad failures of the market to deliver media content that audiences might not currently desire, but that promote democratic discourse and social solidarity. Digital innovations substantially affect both reactive and proactive media policy objectives. Existing media policies are premised on the mid-twentieth century reality of scarce content and abundant audience attention. But in the digital era, it is attention that is scarce and content that is abundant. Drawing on empirical evidence and theory from several disciplines, I show how this shift changes the narrow market failures to which media policy must respond and undermines past responses to broad market failures. I conclude with an application of these theories to media subsidies, arguing that subsidies for a robust public service media are the proper channel for media policy in the digital era from both a First Amendment and a practical perspective.

Audits of automated decision systems, also called algorithmic or AI systems, are currently required in some cases by the E.U. Digital Services Act, arguably by the E.U. GDPR, and either required or considered in a host of US laws. Audits are proposed as a way to curb discrimination and disinformation, and to hold those who deploy algorithmic decision-making accountable for their harms. Many other uses of related terms, such as impact assessment, would also impose obligations on covered entities to benchmark the development and implementation of algorithmic systems against some acceptable standard. For any of these interventions to work in the way their proponents imagine, relevant provisions and proposals the term audit and associated terms require much more precision are reviewed.

[...]students entering such systems are in an important and perhaps daunting role of helping patients and their families discern paths which are, at times, without clear outcomes. Social Work Directors at Participating Hospitals: Martha Burke, LICSW Brigham & Women's Hospital; Nancy Borstelmann, LICSW Dana Farber Cancer Institute; Maria Elena Gioiella, LICSW Massachusetts General Hospital; Mary Ray Mazaka, LICSW Faulkner Hospital; Patricia Robinson, LICSW Veteran's Administration Medical Center; Barbara Sarnoff Lee, LICSW Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center; and Allison Scobie-Carroll, LICSW Boston Children's Hospital.

In . . . And Communications for All, 16 leading communications policy scholars present a comprehensive telecommunications policy agenda for the new federal administration. This agenda emphasizes the potential of information technologies to improve democratic discourse, social responsibility, and the quality of life along with the means by which it can be made available to all Americans. Schejter has assembled an analysis of the reasons for the failure of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, and offers an international benchmark for the future of telecommunications. Addressing a range of topics, including network neutrality, rural connectivity, media ownership, minority ownership, spectrum policy, universal broadband policy, and media for children, it articulates a comprehensive vision for the United States as a twenty-first-century information society that is both internally inclusive and globally competitive.

This article outlines briefly the development of matrimonial property law from earliest times to the present day. The issue of central concern throughout is the changing status of women and the bearing that this has had on development of the law. A historical, social and economic perspective is adopted in an effort to explain why particular developments occurred when they did. Finally, attention is drawn to the inadequacies of legal solutions to what is perceived as basically an economic issue.