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For many decades, the Kampala City Council (KCC) tolerated street vending was as a positive livelihood strategy for many poor urban dwellers. In 2010, the Parliament of Uganda passed legislation that changed the management of Kampala city from elected (KCC) to central government-appointed officials (KCCA). The main argument given for this change was that it would reduce endemic corruption, improve working conditions of very poor groups, and streamline service delivery. However, Kampala witnessed an unprecedented increase in the number of street vendors between 2014 and 2019. The central government and KCCA officials framed vendors' ongoing presence and refusal to vacate the streets as a suicidal problem. Ruthless eviction operations by KCCA law enforcement officers have yielded very limited success. This article argues that deliberate neglect of market vendors' needs and corruption embedded in the process of demolishing, redevelopment, and management of redeveloped/purchased markets left thousands of low-income market vendors without adequate relocation alternatives. Many resorted to street vending thus, turning an already existing issue into a crisis. Having contributed to this street vending crisis, state actors used ruthless means to evict but without success. Street vendors have used defiance, building alliances with opposition politicians, and bribing some KCCA law enforcement officers to defy KCCA eviction efforts. Heightened fear by the central government that continued crude eviction of street vendors without any viable livelihood option would have serious political drawbacks combined with the other factors to further circumvent KCCA efforts to evict them.

Mbarara Municipality in Western Uganda has for many years struggled to manage municipal solid waste. Leaders in this municipality have mainly attributed this persistent problem to poor financing, failure to enforce existing solid waste management laws and regulations, limited community participation, deprived attitude by the public towards waste collection, and tendency of municipal dwellers to litter. No in-depth academic study in Mbarara Municipality has ever been done to expose and illustrate how corruption directly happens and influence solid waste management. This study fills this knowledge gap by illustrating how corruption influences poor solid waste management in Mbarara Municipality. The study finds that municipal technical officials, garbage truck drivers, their turn boys, garbage sorters, factory owners, and private land grabbers all involved in different forms of corruption have directly and indirectly turned solid waste collection and disposal into a very costly problem to the municipal council and the general public. The article recommends that fighting corruption in all its forms without fear or favor, encouraging them to play their role particularly in sorting waste, adoption of smart technologies, and putting in place measures that attract private investors while protecting the public can help in the effective management of solid waste in Mbarara Municipality.

In the last three decades, the Government of Uganda has put in place frameworks and executed reforms aimed at establishing an effective and participatory public finance management (PFM) system. This article examines the successes and failures of these reforms/frameworks. The main findings of this article are twofold. On the one hand, decent success in civil society and elite stakeholders' participation in budgetary processes, fiscal discipline, allocative and operational efficiency, and budget transparency have been achieved using the adopted PFM frameworks. On the other hand, there is ineffective local citizen participation in PFM processes, misallocation of public funds, a bloated administrative and legislative structure, excessive borrowing, poor absorption of borrowed funds, corruption and the impact of Covid-19 pandemic are eroding the initial success of PFM reforms in Uganda.

The government of Uganda has put in place and is implementing different home-grown and internationally proven anti-corruption measures such as rescission of contracts obtained through corrupt means, monetary fines for those implicated in corruption, debarment/blacklisting of companies or individuals known to have been corrupt in the past, asset declaration by leaders and government officials to detect and minimize corrupt accumulation of assets, whistleblowing to expose corruption by those who know about it, criminalizing money laundering to stem the flow of illegally or corruptly acquired money, and confiscation of assets or proceeds obtained through corruption, all aimed at curbing endemic corruption in the country. Nevertheless, corruption (both petty and grand) is still endemic in public institutions at all levels in Uganda. This article uses secondary and key informant primary data sources to critically explain why these anti-corruption measures have not been effective in the fight against corruption in Uganda. The main argument made in this article is that anti-corruption measures in Uganda have not been effective because they are inherently weak, a challenge that is compounded by political interferences in anticorruption prosecutions and a dysfunctional anti-corruption institutional framework. This article recommends that anticorruption measures should be fine-tuned to confront sophisticated corruption and be applied to all impartially.