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A retelling--in graphic novel format--of Bradbury's story about the dangers of censorship.

In Army of God, war correspondent David Axe collaborates with illustrator Tim Hamilton to create the first-ever graphic account of a conflict that has become a global phenomenon. The controversial Kony2012 campaign and documentaries have already spilled out of social media and into high school and college campuses, raising awareness among a broad audience. Army of God tells the rest of the story, from the chaos Kony has left behind to the long campaign to defeat him for good. --publicaffairsbooks.com.

The oil industry is fully aware that lower levels of inventory set the stage for gasoline price spikes in the event consumption increases or production somehow decreases, especially during peak demand periods.

Balancing the Power Relations: Balancing of the power relations is a key strategy to the elimination of oppression and violence at all levels. Gandhi had suggested a change from \"power - over\" to \"power - to\" orientations. Gandhian approach, according to M.V. Naidu, is based on the principles of Truth, Ahimsa (non - violence), Prema (love), Seva (service), Sarvodaya (general good), as well as striving for self - knowledge, self - discipline, and Satyagraha (non - violent struggle). His strategy is such that both the oppressor and the oppressed retain their dignity and self - worth and develop faith in finding peaceful solutions to all problems without resorting at any time to violent measures.(f.19) Gandhi's pedagogical mode of finding solutions to problems is duplicated by Paulo Freire, who stresses knowing the \"worldviews\" of the participants. Worldviews dictate how people think, talk, act, relate, adjust, and approach resolution of the problems.(f.20) Michel Foucault's view of balancing the power relations is based on a redistribution of \"knowledge\" among the parties, through a discourse in an engaged (as opposed to disengaged or distancing) network structure. Gandhi had used a similar mode for balancing the power relations and removal of the oppressive conditions in South Africa and India. Foucault also stresses that \"power and knowledge directly imply each other; that there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that does not prepossess and constitute at the same time power relations.(f.21) Finally, Iris Marion Young stresses that excessive emphasis on \"uniformity\" and \"commonness\" in the balancing of power relations should be avoided, and \"differences\" should be properly recognized.(f.22) The Abuser: Since the abuser uses physical, psychological, emotional, sexual and economic forms of violence as control tactics, in the educational component of the counseling program emotional concomitants and consequences of these controlling channels are explored with reference to the overall family setting. The abusive behaviors in everyday life are highlighted and specific occurrences are focused on. Legal aspects of the violence are stated clearly. Interpersonal and intrapersonal communication skills are taught using cognitive and behavioral techniques as modes for the de - escalation of anger. Proper assertiveness and listening skills are modeled and taught, as opposed to aggressiveness in communication and behavior. Intrapersonal emotional differentiation is described and cognitive methods toward this end are taught. Intrapersonal and interpersonal male - male and male - female socialization are explored and alternate modes of anger expression are described and its ideological boundaries are expanded. Cognitive aspects of emotional states, derived from ideology and socialization in \"marriage\", are also explored and redefined. Reflexive techniques to recognize nonverbal behavior provide a clarification of how that dimension of communication escalates conflict situations. Separation and dependency issues are worked on relative to separation grieving, when applicable. (f.3) The Oxford English Dictionary, Compact Edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987). Also see [Tim Hamilton] and [Satish Sharma], Op. cit., p. 1 - 4; Arthur S. Reber, Dictionary of Psychology (New York: Penguin Books, 1985); Dagobert D. Runes, The Dictionary of Philosophy (Ames: Littlefield, Adams & Co., 1960); David Jary and Julia Jary, The Harper Collins Dictionary of Sociology (New York: Harper Collins, 1991); Stanley I. Benn, \"Power,\" in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Vol. VI (New York: Macmillan, 1967); Robert A. Dahl, The International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol. XII (New York: The Macmillan Company & The Free Press, 1968); Peter Bacharach and M. Baritz, quoted in Jeffry C. Isage, \"Beyond the Three Faces of Power: A Realist Critique,\" in Rethinking Power, Edited by Tomas Wartenberg (New York: State University of New York Press, 1992), p. 37; Steven Lukes, Essays in Social Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977); Steven Lukes, \"Power & Structure,\" in Essays in Social Theory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977); Thomas Wartenberg, Rethinking Power (New York: State University of New York Press, 1992); Douglas Rae, \"Knowing Power: A Working Paper,\" in Power Inequality and Democratic Politics: Essays in Honor of Robert A. Dahl, Edited by Ian Shapiro and Grant Reeber (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988); Robert E. Lane, \"Experiencing Money and Experiencing Power,\" in Power Inequality and Democratic Politics: Essays in Honor of Robert A Dahl, edited by Ian Shapiro and Grant Reeber (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988).

Any or all of these constraints may be set aside or superseded, given particular actors and circumstances. When these constraints are abused, situations develop in which power is excessively or illegitimately exercised. Resistance to power can also take on less than legitimate forms, and laxity or anarchy develops, leading to intrigues and subterfuges. Power actors engage in emotional disarrays and personal vendettas. Circumstances of domination and oppression develop and escalate in a downward spiral, until no agent involved in power relations considers anything further than the immediate motive or circumstance. When this occurs, instead of dialogue between the power agents, a process Timo Airaksinen calls \"the rhetoric of domination\" appears. The crudest mechanism of this rhetoric of domination is coercion. The dominant agent presents a threat to the subordinate agent's desires, welfare, and rights. The subordinate agent takes this into account and plans his own actions accordingly, in an effort to avoid disappointment, harm, or wrong. When the agents reach this point, communication has already broken down. They have abandoned rational discourse and a \"deeper conflict\" prevails. A rhetorical stance is taken by the dominant agent in order to change the subordinate agent's view and experience of the situation. There is an attempt at redefinition of the situation in line with the expected roles, perceptions, and belief systems deriving from the ideology of the dominant agent. The dominant agent has also reached a point of frustration, wherein his internal locus of control shifts to an external locus of control. He begins to frame the immediate situation in terms of his predominant ideology in order to suppress the interest of the subordinate agent. In all these renderings, the dominant ideology provides a frame of reference and is accorded some validity by the subordinate agent. Society also, in some ways, is aligned with the dominant agent's ideological framework and interest, and helps his ability to redefine the situation to appear viable or unavoidable to the subordinate agent. Given the above explication of power, power relations, oppression, and the operative contexts, how do we go about balancing the power relations in a world where the oppressive dynamic is supported by institutional, structural, and individual factors? Mohandas K. Gandhi, Michel Foucault, and [Paulo Freire], among others, earlier wrestled with the same question and have provided some guidance on the matter. Gandhi notes that there have been, throughout history, many situations of oppression that broke into violence against the oppressed, wherein the oppressed eventually rose up, shifted the balance, and overthrew the oppressor but not without violence. Gandhi advocates totally non - violent solutions to all problems of oppression. His approach is seminal in the psyche of mankind, as a new way to the balancing of power relations. Part of the problem also lies in the conception of what power is and how it is used. Michel Foucault's analysis of power relations becomes helpful in gaining a new conception of power and how it can be used in constructive ways. Finally, Paulo Freire suggests a pedagogical mode in the balancing of power relations. We will draw upon each of these three strands.(f.39) Gandhi and Satyagraha: During his long struggle against oppression in South Africa and India, Gandhi battled against many forms of injustices and violence: racial and ethnic, intercaste, gender - based, religious, and political. His advice was \"active resistance\" to all forms of injustice, through totally self - sacrificing and peaceful means, thereby winning even foes as friends and making the societies move from \"power - over\" to \"power - to\" orientations. Gandhi served as the voice of all oppressed people all over the world and attempted to bring to them self - empowerment, greater autonomy, and freedom from the oppressive practices. His fight was not against any government or people, but against all unjust institutions and practices. The strategy he devised was called \"Satyagraha,\" and he demonstrated its use in South Africa and India. M.V. Naidu indicates that the strategy of Satyagraha, in addition to an earnest search for \"Truth\" (fairness and justice), also brings in the concepts of \"Ahimsa\" (non - violence and self - sacrifice), \"Prema\" (love), \"Seva\" (service), and \"Sarvodaya\" (welfare and development of all).(f.40) Self - knowledge, self - discipline, the urge for constant self - improvement, and Brahmcharya (control over senses -- in thought, word, and deed) are some other concepts relevant to the strategy of Satyagraha. This strategy for resisting and eradicating oppression is in the pedagogical mode and believesthat individuals and governments, when given full information and made aware of the facts, will be able to choose the path of Truth.

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At long last, imbalances in social and interpersonal power relations have begun moving out of the Dark Ages. No longer overlooked as simply traditional psychological dynamics supporting existing ideological frameworks, these imbalances has now entered public discourse. From the macrosystemic to the microsystemic level, these dynamics are being questioned. From women's rights, to the fall of American heroes, to the international involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina, power and its various uses have been increasingly challenged. Four people have been in the forefront of this challenge, each in their own sphere of influence: Mohandas K. Gandhi on social oppression; Iris Marion Young on women's rights; Michel Foucault on analytic philosophy; and Paulo Freire on liberation pedagogy. From each of these visionaries we can learn a great deal about how to better confront local, national, and international problems.