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Understanding of how Total Worker Health® (TWH) guidelines are implemented in employment organizations in the USA is not well understood. The purpose of this study is to explore how the principles of the Hierarchy of Controls Applied to NIOSH Total Worker Health (TWH HoC), have been implemented among organizations featured as Promising Practices for TWH between 2012–2019, with special focus on the work-related issues of fatigue, stress, sedentary work, and tobacco control. We also sought to identify benefits, obstacles, and lessons learned in the implementation of the TWH HoC. Eighteen organizations were identified to be included in the study. Using a qualitative cross-sectional design and purposive sampling, seven in-depth interviews were conducted with thirteen key informants. The Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research was used to guide the thematic analysis and interpretation of qualitative data. Four themes identified include recognition of the TWH approach and TWH HoC, implementation of the TWH HoC, barriers and facilitators in addressing specific work-related issues, and implementation climate primes benefits, obstacles, and lessons learned. The inner setting (i.e., culture, implementation climate, readiness for implementation) of organizations was a prominent determinant of the implementation of integrated worker safety, health, and well-being interventions.

Background: The objective of this article is to provide an overview of and update on the Office for Total Worker Health® (TWH) program of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (CDC/NIOSH). Methods: This article describes the evolution of the TWH program from 2014 to 2018 and future steps and directions. Results: The TWH framework is defined as policies, programs, and practices that integrate protection from work-related safety and health hazards with promotion of injury and illness prevention efforts to advance worker well-being. Conclusions: The CDC/NIOSH TWH program continues to evolve in order to respond to demands for research, practice, policy, and capacity building information and solutions to the safety, health, and well-being challenges that workers and their employers face.

OBJECTIVE:To describe the initial use of social media by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) Total Worker Health™ (TWH) Program and the University of Iowa Healthier Workforce Center for Excellence (HWCE) Outreach Program. METHODS:Social media analytics tools and process evaluation methods were used to derive initial insights on the social media strategies used by the NIOSH and the HWCE. RESULTS:The on-line community size for the NIOSH TWH Program indicated 100% growth in 6 months; however, social media platforms have been slow to gain participation among employers. CONCLUSION:The NIOSH TWH Program and the HWCE Outreach Program have found social media tools as an effective way to expand reach, foster engagement, and gain understanding of audience interests around TWH concepts. More needs to be known about how to best use social media to reach and engage target audiences on issues relevant to TWH.

Against the backdrop of global and continental women, peace, and security discourses, this contribution analyses the gender and women-focused language of national action plans from four African countries (Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Uganda), which were drafted with a view to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. I argue that national action plans have the potential to transcend the soft-consensus language of Security Council resolutions because they create new spaces for feminist engagement with policy and practice. The analysis reveals three discursive themes – namely, the making of \"womenandchildren,\" women civilising war, and making women responsible for preventing gender-based violence. The themes relate to the construction of, respectively, gender(ed) identities, security, and violence. To varying degrees, the plans reflect a combination of predominantly liberal-feminist language interspersed with some examples of critical insight. I conclude that the ambiguous nature of the messages sent out by these plans serves as a reminder that discourses are fragmented and therefore offer an opening for nuanced contextual analyses and implementation. Vor dem Hintergrund globaler Diskurse zu „Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit“ analysiert die Autorin die gender- und frauenbezogene Sprache in vier Nationalen Aktionsplänen afrikanischer Staaten (Kenia, Liberia, Nigeria und Uganda), die mit Blick auf die Resolution 1325 des UN-Sicherheitsrats entworfen wurden. Aus Sicht der Autorin besitzen Nationale Aktionspläne das Potenzial, die konsensorientierte Sprache der Resolutionen des Sicherheitsrats zu überwinden, und eröffnen daher neue Räume für politisches und praktisches feministisches Engagement Ihre Analyse deckt drei diskursive Themenbereiche auf: die Konstruktion von “Womenandchildren”, die Zivilisierung des Krieges durch Frauen und die Zuweisung von Verantwortung für die Verhütung geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt an die Frauen selbst. Alle drei Themenbereiche haben einen Bezug zur Bildung geschlechtsspezifischer Identitäten sowie zu geschlechtsspezifischen Formen von Sicherheit und Gewalt. Auf unterschiedliche Weise kombinieren die Aktionspläne eine überwiegend liberal-feministisch geprägte Sprache mit kritischen Einsichten. Die Ambivalenz der Botschaften, die von diesen Plänen ausgehen, zeigt nach Ansicht der Autorin, dass Diskurse Brüche aufweisen und damit die Möglichkeit zur differenzierten Kontextanalyse und Umsetzung eröffnen.

Binary thinking is one of the features of coloniality, manifesting in a zero-sum game between ‘our’and ‘their’security. The development of human securityas an antidote has, however, been marked bya continuation of such divisions in a muchsubtler way. This state of affairs is exacerbated bythe fact that concepts held up as possible solutions, such as the gendering of human securityor the broader tool of decolonisation, are often also trapped in unimaginative oppositional thinkingwhich runs the risk of recolonising knowledge and harming those who are supposed to be secured. The focus in this article is therefore on the coloniality of human security scholarship and practices and how this concept can be reinvigorated through a feminist ‘post’-humanist lens. I argue that a feminist posthuman security approach that decentres the human (by going beyond asking for the inclusion of women only) and underscores agentic relations between (all) humans,the natural environment, technologyand objects more adequatelycaptures the entangled nature of human security practices, especially in the postcolony. The approach draws on a blend of six conceptual pillars, namely a poststructuralistunderstanding of agency as the product of intra-action rather than interaction; feminist critiques of equating what is male and what is human; the emphasis on intersections between race and gender in feminist postcolonial theory; the importance of situated knowledge; the agencyof matter and objects in the construction of securityand/ or insecurity; and an acknowledgement of indigenous Africacentred knowledge forms. I conclude that this kind of posthuman security frame, which merges feminist posthumanism and new materialist posthumanism, not only allows a more nuanced and inclusive understanding of the human condition but also offers a foundation for developing a decolonised human securityresearchagenda

Binary thinking is one of the features of coloniality, manifestingin a zero-sum game between 'our'and 'their'security. The development of human security as an antidote has, however, been marked by a continuation of such divisions in amuch subtler way. This state of affairs is exacerbated by the fact that concepts held up as possible solutions, such as the gendering of human securityor the broader tool of decolonisation, are often also trapped in unimaginative oppositional thinking which runs the risk of recolonising knowledge and harming those who are supposed to besecured. The focusin this articleis therefore on the coloniality of human security scholarship and practices and how this concept can be reinvigorated through a feminist 'post'-humanist lens. I argue that a feminist posthuman security approach that decentres the human (by going beyond asking for the inclusion of women only) and underscores agentic relations between (all) humans, the natural environment, technology and objects more adequately captures the entangled nature of human security practices, especiallyin the postcolony. The approach drawson ablend of six conceptual pillars, namelyapoststructuralist understanding of agency as the product of intra-action rather than interaction; feminist critiques of equating what is male and what is human; the emphasis on intersections between race and gender in feminist postcolonial theory; the importance of situated knowledge; the agency of matter and objectsin the construction of security and/orinsecurity; and an acknowledgement of indigenous Africa-centred knowledge forms. I conclude that this kind of posthuman security frame, which merges feminist posthumanism and new materialist posthumanism, not only allows a more nuanced and inclusive understanding of the human condition but also offers a foundation for developing a decolonised human security research agenda.

A feminist perspective can make security discourse more reflective of its own normative assumptions. In respect of an expanded human security concept, a feminist perspective highlights the dangers of masking differences under the rubric of the term 'human'. A critical feminist perspective is geared towards addressing the politics of multiple overlapping identities. Since gender is intertwined with other identities such as race, class and nationality, the dichotomy between universalism and cultural relativism is overcome by connecting individual experiences in a particular location to wider regional and global structures and processes. An overview of a number of feminist and security-studies schools of thought reveals the extent of universalizing tendencies and gender silences within such discourses. The conceptual and political commensurability of the gender and security constructs is often overlooked. An emphasis on identity politics may thus help to clarify the ambivalence of human security as both a political project of emancipation and an analytical framework. A case is therefore made for more fluid context-based interpretations of gender in human security. In this regard it is posited that alternative feminist approaches, such as those rooted in the African context, could facilitate dialogue within and across supposedly irreconcilable standpoints.

Against the backdrop of global and continental women, peace, and security discourses, this contribution analyses the gender and women-focused language of national action plans from four African countries (Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Uganda), which were drafted with a view to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. I argue that national action plans have the potential to transcend the soft-consensus language of Security Council resolutions because they create new spaces for feminist engagement with policy and practice. The analysis reveals three discursive themes–namely, the making of \"womenandchildren,\" women civilising war, and making women responsible for preventing gender-based violence. The themes relate to the construction of, respectively, gender(ed) identities, security, and violence. To varying degrees, the plans reflect a combination of predominantly liberal-feminist language interspersed with some examples of critical insight. I conclude that the ambiguous nature of the messages sent out by these plans serves as a reminder that discourses are fragmented and therefore offer an opening for nuanced contextual analyses and implementation.

While feminists usually try to ground the meanings that they study, theorizing the mundane or the everyday may very well represent a detour—or even a dead end—if bread-and-butter issues related to the security and economic well-being of ordinary women and men are ignored. What value does feminist theorizing (even if it draws from women's lived experiences) have in war-affected contexts where meeting immediate needs is paramount? At what point does the theorizing of the body under such circumstances become a means to satisfying intellectual fetishes? Theorizing the everyday is messy because it has to contend with the immediate social setting in which popular culture is inseparable from the economic materiality of the conditions of oppression.