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"Hurwitz, Jon"
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Justice in America : the separate realities of blacks and whites
\"As reactions to the O. J. Simpson verdict, the Rodney King beating, and the Amadou Diallo killing make clear, whites and African Americans in the United States inhabit two different perceptual worlds, with the former seeing the justice system as largely fair and color blind and the latter believing it to be replete with bias and discrimination. Drawing on data from a nation-wide survey of both races, the authors tackle two important questions in this book: what explains the widely differing perceptions, and why do such differences matter? They attribute much of the racial chasm to the relatively common personal confrontations that many blacks have with law enforcement ,♯ confrontations seldom experienced by whites. And more importantly, the authors demonstrate that this racial chasm is consequential: it leads African Americans to react much more cynically to incidents of police brutality and racial profiling, and also to be far more skeptical of punitive anti-crime policies ranging from the death penalty to three-strikes laws\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Justice in America
As reactions to the O. J. Simpson verdict, the Rodney King beating, and the Amadou Diallo killing make clear, whites and African Americans in the United States inhabit two different perceptual worlds, with the former seeing the justice system as largely fair and color blind and the latter believing it to be replete with bias and discrimination. The authors tackle two important questions in this book: what explains the widely differing perceptions, and why do such differences matter? They attribute much of the racial chasm to the relatively common personal confrontations that many blacks have with law enforcement – confrontations seldom experienced by whites. More importantly, the authors demonstrate that this racial chasm is consequential: it leads African Americans to react much more cynically to incidents of police brutality and racial profiling, and also to be far more skeptical of punitive anti-crime policies ranging from the death penalty to three-strikes laws.
eBook
Persuasion and Resistance: Race and the Death Penalty in America
Although there exists a large and well-documented \"race gap\" between whites and blacks in their support for the death penalty, we know relatively little about the nature of these differences and how the races respond to various arguments against the penalty. To explore such differences, we embedded an experiment in a national survey in which respondents are randomly assigned to one of several argument conditions. We find that African Americans are more responsive to argument frames that are both racial (i.e., the death penalty is unfair because most of the people who are executed are black) and nonracial (i.e., too many innocent people are being executed) than are whites, who are highly resistant to persuasion and, in the case of the racial argument, actually become more supportive of the death penalty upon learning that it discriminates against blacks. These interracial differences in response to the framing of arguments against the death penalty can be explained, in part, by the degree to which people attribute the causes of black criminality to either dispositional or systemic forces (i.e., the racial biases of the criminal justice system).
Journal Article
Linked Fate and Outgroup Perceptions: Blacks, Latinos, and the U.S. Criminal Justice System
Studies focusing on black–Latino intergroup perceptions in zero-sum environments (e.g., jobs) have found little perceived outgroup discrimination or a tendency for each group to perceive the injustices faced by the other group. In contrast, we examine the non-zero-sum criminal justice domain. Although we find some asymmetry—that is, blacks are somewhat more likely to see discrimination toward Latinos than vice-versa, we mainly find both groups acknowledge the discrimination faced by the other disadvantaged group, especially those who feel closely linked to the fate of their own group. Under such circumstances, blacks and Latinos recognize a common sense of deprivation and discrimination and are likely to regard the other group as facing comparable victimization, potentially seeing the other group as a coalition partner for remediating mutual concerns.
Journal Article
Playing the Race Card in the Post-Willie Horton Era: The Impact of Racialized Code Words on Support for Punitive Crime Policy
To date, little is known about the precise impact of racially coded words and phrases. Instead, most of what we know about racialized messages comes from studies that focus on pictorial racial cues (for example, the infamous \"Willie Horton\" ad) or on messages with an extensive textual narrative that is laced with implicit racial cues. Because in a \"post-Horton\" era strategic use of racially coded words will often be far more subtle than those explored in past studies, we investigate the power of a single phrase believed by many to carry strong racial connotations: \"inner city.\" We do so by embedding an experiment in a national survey of whites, where a random half of respondents was asked whether they support spending money for prisons (versus antipoverty programs) to lock up \"violent criminals,\" while the other half was asked about \"violent inner city criminals.\" Consistent with the literature on issue framing, we find that whites' racial attitudes (for example, racial stereotypes) were much more important in shaping preferences for punitive policies when they receive the racially coded, \"inner city\" question. Our results demonstrate how easy it is to continue \"playing the race card\" in the post-Willie Horton era, as well as some of the limits of such framing effects among whites with more positive racial attitudes.
Journal Article
The Vicarious Bases of Perceived Injustice
Profound differences exist in how Americans from various racial and ethnic groups view police and court officials. We argue that vicarious experiences contribute to this racial and ethnic divide. Drawing on research on social communication, social network composition, and negativity biases in perception and judgment, we devise a theoretical framework to articulate why vicarious experiences magnify racial and ethnic disparities in evaluations of judicial actors. Four hypotheses are tested using original survey data from the state of Washington. Results provide strong evidence that vicarious experiences influence citizens' evaluations of both police and courts, and they do so in a manner that widens racial divides in how those actors are perceived.
Journal Article
Explaining the Great Racial Divide: Perceptions of Fairness in the U.S. Criminal Justice System
We examine the huge racial divide in citizens' general beliefs about the fairness of the criminal justice system, focusing on the political consequences of these beliefs for shaping diverging interpretations of police behavior. Predictably, most blacks believe the system to be unfair and most whites believe the opposite. More importantly, these beliefs influence the interpretation of events quite differently. African Americans who view the system as unfair are much more suspicious of the police in confrontations with black civilians. Fairness for whites, however, has fewer racial connotations; they naively interpret the confrontations disregarding civilian race. Still, whites holding antiblack stereotypes are much more sympathetic to the police in their confrontations with black civilians.
Journal Article
And Justice for Some: Race, Crime, and Punishment in the US Criminal Justice System
Criminal justice policy in the US has long been exceedingly responsive to public opinion. Unfortunately, public attitudes towards justice in the US are severely bifurcated along racial lines, such that Whites see a system that is “colour-blind” and Blacks perceive one that is severely biased against them. In this paper, we explore the magnitude of this racial cleavage and, more importantly, demonstrate how it impacts differential reactions to events (such as accusations of police brutality) and policies (such as capital punishment) in the justice domain. To the degree that elites base policies on (mainly White) majority preferences, such policies are unlikely to be responsive to the racial discrimination that is a part of the current criminal justice environment. Résumé. La politique pénale aux États-Unis répond énormément à l'opinion publique. Malheureusement, les positions populaires envers la justice américaine sont radicalement divisées suivant l'appartenance raciale. Aux yeux des Blancs, le système est essentiellement neutre envers les groupes raciaux différents, mais les Noirs le perçoivent comme étant fortement entaché de discrimination contre eux. Dans cet article, nous considérons l'étendue de cet écart racial et, surtout, nous démontrons comment ces perceptions entraînent des réactions différentes envers les événements (comme les accusations de brutalité policière) et envers les politiques publiques (comme la peine capitale) dans le domaine de la justice. Dans la mesure où les élites fondent les politiques sur les préférences de la majorité (surtout blanche), il est peu probable que ces politiques puissent remédier à la discrimination raciale qui fait partie du système pénal actuel.
Journal Article
EXAMINING THE TERROR EXCEPTION: TERRORISM AND COMMITMENTS TO CIVIL LIBERTIES
Faced with the threat of terrorism, many Americans have supported policies aimed at promoting security even when those policies possibly infringe upon civil liberties. To what extent does this policy support constitute a \"terror exception\" made by citizens who would otherwise seek the preservation of those liberties, and to what extent does it represent a more general rejection of constitutional principles? In order to address this question, attitudes regarding anti-terror policies must be viewed in a broader context. Toward this end, we examine data from a split-ballot experiment included as part of the 2006-2007 Congressional Elections Study. Respondents were asked policy items focused on either terrorism or serious crime. We find that respondents are almost as willing to sacrifice civil liberties to fight crime as to fight terrorism, and that attitudes regarding terrorism and crime policy exhibit considerable structural similarity. These findings cast doubt on the civil libertarian convictions of Americans even outside of the realm of anti-terror policy.
Journal Article