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Many codes of ethics on Artificial Intelligence (AI), although well-intentioned, have been proposed at a high level of abstraction without much thought to implementation. Companies should adopt a code of ethics for AI because not to do so could, in Akerlof’s market for lemons theory, lead to the downfall of the market or the company. Using the Kidder framework, the author first differentiates between moral temptations (right vs. wrong) that should be avoided and true ethical dilemmas (right vs. right) that are to be addressed. Of the various ethical theories, the author concludes that the most appropriate is Aristotle's Golden Mean, which should be seen as a creative solution rather than a compromise. The author also points out that while there are clear ethical issues, there are also issues that should considered within the bounds of ethics; but there are also issues that while discomfiting are not ethical issues.

Purpose - The purpose of this exploratory study is to look at how the Internet was used by political parties and candidates during the Indian parliamentary elections of 2009.Design methodology approach - A total of 31 web sites belonging to political parties and their candidates in the Indian states of Maharashtra and Gujarat were examined for how they were used to mobilize volunteers and voters. An online questionnaire and in-depth interviews were administered to the web site coordinators designers and politicians.Findings - The study found that sites were not used to their maximum potential but instead, merely for publicity, online presence, and to explore the new medium. There was greater reliance by most candidates on traditional media such as rallies and face-to-face interaction. The reason may be due to the limited Internet penetration in India, which also means the Internet may have less influence on voters. Some candidates have shown the way to the potential use of the medium for fund raising and recruiting volunteers. But Indian politicians will likely continue to be cautious in using the Internet.Research limitations implications - This study was limited to the states of Maharashtra and Gujarat and did not consider the impact or the effectiveness of the Internet.Originality value - This is the first such study of the use of web sites for electioneering in India. It also documents the development in the use of the new medium for campaigning in 2009 as compared with the elections of 2004.

In recent decades, Korean communication and media have substantially grown to become some of the most significant segments of Korean society. Since the early 1990s, Korea has experienced several distinctive changes in its politics, economy, and technology, which are directly related to the development of local media and culture. Korea has greatly developed several cutting-edge technologies, such as smartphones, video games, and mobile instant messengers to become the most networked society throughout the world. As the Korean Wave exemplifies, the once small and peripheral Korea has also created several unique local popular cultures, including television programs, movies, and popular music, known as K-pop, and these products have penetrated many parts of the world. As Korean media and popular culture have rapidly grown, the number of media scholars and topics covering these areas in academic discourses has increased. These scholars’ interests have expanded from traditional media, such as Korean journalism and cinema, to several new cutting-edge areas, like digital technologies, health communication, and LGBT-related issues. In celebrating the Korean American Communication Association’s fortieth anniversary in 2018, this book documents and historicizes the growth of growing scholarship in the realm of Korean media and communication.

This study focused on four aspects of parental monitoring of Internet use by their children: parental supervision, communication and tracking, and adolescent disclosure. Data were obtained from a SAFT (Safety Awareness for Teens Project) national survey of Singapore youths and parents regarding Internet safety at home. Study 1 examined 1,124 adolescents and 1,002 parents; Study 2 examined a subsample of 169 dyads of adolescents and their parents. Frequency of use and engagement in risky Internet behaviors such as visiting inappropriate websites were analysed. The results indicated that parents tend to underestimate adolescents’ engagement in risky Internet behaviors and overestimate the amount of parental monitoring regarding Internet safety that occurs at home. The study suggested that mothers have a better awareness of their adolescents’ Internet use than fathers. The findings were explained in the context of parental monitoring. The results suggest that parental monitoring needs to be reconceptualized and that parents need to improve the communication with their adolescents regarding Internet use.

This paper looks at the different approaches taken to the matter of liability for third-party content posted on the bulletin boards of Internet hosts. It discusses the legal dilemmas surrounding this issue with reference to legal cases and legislation from around the world.

On 1 February 2005, the Kingdom of Nepal cut off all public telecommunication links to the outside world. According to the king, the shutdown in communications was to enable security operations against the Maoist insurgents. Landline and Internet services were restored gradually over the following weeks. But the pre-paid mobile phone service, which was used by the majority of Nepalese, stayed off for the public for 88 days. The shutdown in communications provided the environment for a natural experiment to look at the impact of the mobile phone. Researchers conducted interviews in three regions of Nepal that are taken by the Nepalese as representative of the country. Among those interviewed were politicians, including the then-prime minister, business owners, journalists, as well as military and police officers. The study found that the shutdown in mobile communications had limited success in helping security operations. The insurgents did not trust the mobile phone network and had developed their own parallel communication network. The larger impact was negative: it hurt the economy and alienated large swathes of the public, perhaps even contributing to the downfall of the king. The study suggests that the mobile phone is a social device and that if there is to be any shutdown of the mobile phone service, it should be done only briefly and for very clear security reasons.

The September 11 terror attack on the USA was an act that militated against the increasing political and economic liberalization around the world. The attackers, by using the very instruments that have led to the rise of free market capitalism as a political and economic ethos, compel us to look into how those instruments-political leaders, technology and the ethos of freedom-may be misused. A quick snapshot from the Freedom Forum suggests that press freedom has declined indeed in the wake of the September 11 attacks. A historical look into the passing of the UK's Official Secrets Act suggests that a country under threat can react hastily and perhaps irrationally. Such a response is not unexpected when a country feels itself under threat. A common reaction is to limit civil liberties through measures such as restricting media freedom. This essay suggests that the responses to the attacks will linger. In the short-run, there are some gains for journalists through the retrenching of privacy laws. However, overall and in the longer term, there would be greater curbs on press freedom.

RésuméAlors que les technologies de la communication deviennent toujours plus innovantes et qu’lnternet prend de l’ampleur, le besoin de reconsidérer le mandat du Forum sur la Gouvernance d’Internet se fait clairement sentir. Il s’agit-là de l’objet de cet article qui est fondé sur la recherche faite sur la globalisation et la démocratie (Chua, 2003), sur les « trilemmes » de l’intégration glo-bale (Rodrik, 2000) et sur la logique de l’action collective (Olson, 1971). Les auteurs utilisent des arguments tirés de l’économie, de la science politique et de la théorie de la communication de façon à répondre à la question sui-vante : dans quelle mesure est-il possible de mettre en pratique une politique de gouvernance d’Internet ? Ils concluent, d’une part, que les États devront s’en tenir à la globalisation « fine » d’Internet ou bien choisir entre souvereineté et démocratie ; d’autre part, que les États-Unis, qui continuent de dominer Internet, doivent rester engagés et impliqués dans la gouvernance d’Internet. As innovations in communication technologies advance and penetration of the Internet grows, the need to reconsider a new mandate for the Internet Governance Forum is approaching a critical threshold. This paper addresses this objective using research concerning globalization and democracy (Chua, 2003), the “trilemmas” of global integration (Rodrik, 2000), and the logic of collective action (Olson, 1971). The paper uses arguments and research from economics, political science and communication theory to answer the question: to what extent are policies and actions for Internet governance achievable? The paper concludes first that governments will have to settle for “thin” globalization of the Internet or choose between sovereignty and democracy; second, the paper concludes that the United States as the still-dominant country on the Internet must stay committed and involved in Internet governance.

This paper sets out to explain the changes that have been taking place in the Singapore media scene in recent years. Singapore, as the authors explain, is in a process of transition and this creates both challenges and opportunities to both government and media operators.