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This article examines the practices of humanitarian aid distribution from the perspective of aid recipients rather than providers through an immersion in the daily home life of Palestinian residents of Nahr al-Barid refugee camp (north Lebanon) in 2011. It argues that in the name of distributing aid fairly, humanitarian aid providers put in place a pervasive system of surveillance to monitor, evaluate, and compare residents’ misery levels by relying on locally recruited aid workers. This regime of visibility was designed to be one directional; NGOs never disclosed how much aid they had available, nor when or how it would be distributed. The inclusion of local aid workers in this opaque framework turned a process that relied on community and neighborhood ties into an impersonal machine that fostered doubt and suspicion and ultimately hindered the community’s ability to engage in collective political action.

In a wide-ranging and timely interview, the head of the Division of Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery at the American University of Beirut Medical Center, Ghassan S. Abu Sitta, discusses his most recent trip to Gaza to help treat wounded protesters in what has become a war-like zone. Abu Sitta addresses the current state of Gaza's healthcare infrastructure, the types of injuries that he operated on, and the implications of the Great March of Return for Palestine's political future. When Abu Sitta arrived on 11 May 2018, he quickly began preparation for what he expected (and what indeed turned out) to be the bloodiest week of the Great March. He speaks candidly about traumatizing scenes, with doctors and surgeons desperately attempting to save as many lives as possible without the benefit of proper medical equipment; and he explains how the injuries he saw are part of the Israeli army's deliberate effort to maim and incapacitate as many Palestinians as possible.

This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies.I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology.An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation.

تناول المقال موضوع بعنوان صمود الفصائل السياسية الفلسطينية. واستعرض المقال بنظرة يومية من مخيم نهر البارد. ذكرت الكاتبة بيرلا عيسى في كتابها عدة تساؤلات تتعلق باستمرارية وجود الفصائل الفلسطينية في مخيمات اللجوء في لبنان على الرغم من السخط الشعبي المحيط بأداء هذه الفصائل على مختلف الأصعدة. ورصدت الكاتبة عدة تساؤلات عن حياة اللاجئين الفلسطينيين السياسية في لبنان أبرزها كيف تمكنت الفصائل السياسية بفقد شرعيتها في عيون اللاجئين من أجل إنتاج ذاتها. وأكد الكتاب عمل أكاديمي مميز تفردت فيه الكاتبة بمناقشة موضوع الفصائل الفلسطينية انطلاقا من منظور العناصر والأعضاء المنضوين تحت رايتها. وبين أن الجدير بالذكر أن الحرب التي شهدتها المخيم وتداعيتها على العلاقة بين اللاجئين والفصائل لم تكن واضحة في الكتاب. واختتم المقال بالتركيز على الأحداث السياسية الفلسطينية الداخلية والخارجية. كُتب هذا المستخلص من قِبل المنظومة 2022

Neste artigo examinamos o conceito de trauma, incluindo a questão do desamparo e do excesso pulsional em sua articulação com as falhas precoces cumulativas da função estimulante-contentora do ambiente. Nesse contexto teórico e, a partir de uma situação clínica de automutilação na adolescência, buscamos encontrar um valor mensageiro no ato impelido pela compulsão à repetição que, a despeito de sua meta desobjetalizante, pode ser entendido como um movimento de atualização e de tentativa de elaboração de traumas precoces.