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Religious women in liberal democracies are \"dual citizens\" because of their contrasting status as members of both a civic community (in which their gender has no impact on their constitutional guarantee of equal rights) and a traditional religious community (which distributes roles and power based on gender). This book shows how these \"dual citizens\"-Orthodox Jewish women in Israel, Muslim women in Kuwait, and women of both those faiths in the U.S.-have increasingly deployed their civic citizenship rights in attempts to reform and not destroy their religions. For them, neither \"exit\" nor acquiescence to traditional religious gender norms is an option. Instead, they use the narrative of civic citizenship combined with a more authentic, if alternative reading of their faith tradition to improve their status.

All democracies grapple with the challenge of fostering the inclusion of marginalized minorities. Israel faces a looming economic crisis constituted by the growing population of Haredim (Ultra-Orthodox Jews) living under the poverty line. Israel's Council on Higher Education (CHE or Malag) instituted a program to integrate Haredi students into Israeli universities, and ultimately, the workforce. But the CHE plan capitulates to the Haredi claim of a “cultural right” to study in gender-segregated classrooms with male faculty, appearing to give the imprimatur of the state to gender discrimination and prompting a lawsuit that is languishing before the High Court. Detractors perceive the CHE plan as part of a broader agenda intended to dismantle liberalism, replace civil law with Torah law and erase the distinction between religion and state. Conversely, Haredim and their supporters accuse the plan's critics of mounting an attack on the Torah way of life through a campaign of forced secularization. The case occupies the intersection where the liberal commitment to individual rights collides with multicultural accommodation, bringing into sharp relief dilemmas at the core of democracy.

Background: Carbapenemase-producing Enterobacterales (CPE) poses a major infection control challenge in healthcare settings. Over the past decade, Klebsiella pneumonia carbapenemase (KPC)-CPE colonization at our hospital declined to under 10% of all CPE rectal screens, while New Delhi metallo-beta lactamase (NDM)-CPE and oxacillinase (OXA)-CPE colonization rates have tripled, Figure 1. Methods: A comparative historical study was conducted on adult patients colonized with OXA-CPE (2017-2023), NDM-CPE (2017-2023), or KPC-CPE (2017-2018). Patients were retrospectively identified through the microbiology laboratory, their files reviewed for demographics, clinical characteristics, and outcomes. Results: The study included all 341 patients who underwent a screening rectal swab for CPE on admission or during contact tracing: 115 tested positive for OXA-CPE, 136 for NDM-CPE, and 92 for KPC-CPE. Patients colonized with OXA-CPE or NDM-CPE were younger (61.7±20 and 60.7±19.56, respectively) compared to those colonized with KPC-CPE (67.2±18.78; P=0.043 and P=0.013). Clinical characteristics and outcomes for the three cohorts are summarized in Table 1. Patients colonized with OXA-CPE or NDM-CPE were more likely to be admitted to surgical wards, have fewer urinary catheters and decubitus ulcers, and were more often discharged home compared to KPC-CPE colonized patients. OXA-CPE and NDM-CPE genes were predominately associated with Escherichia coli, while KPC-CPE gene was mainly found with Klebsiella sp. Conclusions: OXA-CPE and NDM-CPE colonized patients are younger, less debilitated and primarily reside at home. These findings prompted a revised CPE admission strategy, resulting in higher detection of OXA-CPE and NDM-CPE colonization upon admission.

In this study we explore the extent to which the civic cultures of European immigrants to the United States persist in their contemporary descendants. Analyses using data from the World Values Survey and the cumulative General Social Surveys indicate that the civic attitudes of contemporary Americans bear a strong resemblance to the civic attitudes of the contemporary citizens of the European nations with whom they share common ancestors. The Americans who descend from nations with highly civic populations tend to hold relatively civic attitudes, while those who descend from nations with less civic populations tend to hold relatively less civic attitudes. The significance of these findings for democracy is discussed.

Tzlafchad’s daughters understood that prevailing social arrangements are not necessarily eternal or immutable. To believe that they were would underestimate G-d’s love and mercy, which extends to women as well to men. Accordingly, if G-d supported the daughters’ demand for justice, then why assume that contemporary injustices are of no concern to G-d? Feminism, like the wheel, may be a product of simultaneous invention. It is certainly a product of global cross-pollination. While there are a multitude of offshoots and divergent branches responding to geography, culture, race, class, ethnicity and religion, there is a shared core idea among all feminists

Four Kuwaitis made history in 2009 as the first women elected to the National Assembly. One, who was interviewed for this study, has just challenged an amendment to the 2005 Electoral Law that was introduced by Islamists requiring women to comply with shari’a (Islamic law), specifically by wearing the hijab (head covering). The woman member of Parliament contends that this amendment violates the 1962 constitution. She asserts that religious fatwas (edicts) are not binding and said that she will work to amend all laws passed by the previous National Assemblies that are in violation of the constitution’s provisions for equal

Israeli women enjoy the same rights of citizenship as men. Gender equality, a norm of Israeli civil society, is imbedded in popular culture and history and accepted by the majority of the population. So why would Israeli women still claim to experience disabilities based on sex, when their position seems enviable? This chapter explores the relationship between civil law and family law in Israel and reflects on the implications of this bifurcated legal system for women’s equal citizenship and for democracy and the unitary state. Having discussed the structural legal context of women’s lives in Israel and the history of

Situated at the intersection of politics, identity, gender, religion, citizenship, and human rights, women are the best test of the emancipatory power of citizenship. Kuwait’s commitment to democracy and civil rights is being tested by its women citizens with mixed results. The development of feminist activists’ political strategies and agendas must be framed within supranational, national, and sub-national contexts. In a country in which the theological is political and women are at the center of national and religious identity politics, Kuwaiti feminists must confront both religious and political authority in order to achieve their goal of full and equal citizenship.

Jews characterize the United States as a “country of kindness.”¹ Prominent American Muslim scholar and activist Muqtedar Khan calls the United States “dar-ul-amman (a house of peace [order])’’ The United States receives appreciation not so much because it provides religious choice but because it protects the right of the devout to associate and constitute themselves as communities in its midst. What is distinctive about the United States and other democracies when it comes to the relationship between civil citizens and religious law? Consider, for instance, that when an Istanbul University student, Leyla Sahin, sued her university in 1998, arguing that