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Organic farming in the Spanish region of Andalusia has acquired great socio-economic importance over the past decades. The purpose of this article is to study the themes, approaches, and socio-political values pertaining to ecological agriculture addressed in the Andalusian plans for organic farming (2002–2016). The contents of these plans have not been systematically studied before. From a descriptive and qualitative perspective, the authors present and classify the main themes addressed in those plans and show the socio-political approaches and values that underpin the plans. A thematic and semantic content analysis methodology is applied to the plans and sections addressing various objectives, measures, and actions. A theoretical-qualitative sampling is developed, and 109 keywords are selected for content analysis. This analysis allows us to detect numerous themes pertaining to ecological agriculture and to classify them into six semantic fields linked to various approaches and values promoted by the Andalusian autonomous administration. Therefore, this research focuses on changing perspectives of organic farming developed by the administration and the agents involved in the plans. The authors conclude that the diverse actors have prioritized a productivist–technocratic approach to ecological agriculture, to the detriment of an approach centered on sustainable and agroecological local communities.

Andalusian Southeast has passed between 1960 and 2010 from traditional-subsistence farming to a modern greenhouse agriculture, increasingly innovative, professionalized and disconnected from the household. This article intends to identify and classify social values internalized by family farmers in their socio-labor trajectories. Therefore, the article focuses on the autobiographical narratives of farmers, which have been obtained through participant observation and biographical interviews with them. In parallel to the profound changes in the socio-economic practices of family farmers, their social values related to such practices have undergone successive variations. These are considered here as active strategies by those farmers aimed to redefining their views and perceptions of the reality they live, more and more affected by globalization's uncertainties. Adapted from the source document.

Este artículo analiza la visión político-educativa ideada por José Ortega y Gasset para abordar el problema de España. Para ello se estudian un conjunto de escritos iniciales del filósofo, publicados entre 1908 y 1914, en los que trata los siguientes conceptos: cultura, minoría, pueblo, pedagogía social, Parlamento, opinión pública, liberalismo, nueva política y regeneración. Hacia 1910, Ortega piensa que la principal carencia de España es su atraso cultural respecto a Europa. Para afrontar esta carencia, el pensador desarrolla dicha visión reclamando la acción educadora de una minoría reflexiva que debe proponerse dos objetivos relacionados: educar al pueblo español y elevar el nivel cultural de este. De esta manera, Ortega argumenta que no es posible crear un proyecto político coherente para el país sin un desarrollo cultural y educativo previo. Así que educación y cultura se conciben como herramientas impulsoras del cambio sociopolítico. Por ello, el autor imagina una visión político-educativa reflejada, a su vez, en un proyecto de regeneración del país, que libere a este de los elementos que impiden el desarrollo sociocultural. Dicho proyecto regenerador tiene un medio principal que es la \"nueva política\", pero también diferentes limitaciones que llevan al fracaso del primero. Palabras clave: cultura; educación; España; liderazgo intelectual; política; visión. This article analyzes the educational-political vision elaborated by José Ortega y Gasset to address the problem of Spain. For this purpose, diverse initial writings of Ortega, published between 1908 and 1914, are studied. In these writings, the philosopher deals with key concepts: culture, minority, people, social pedagogy, Parliament, public opinion, liberalism, new politics and regeneration. Towards 1910, Ortega thinks that the main lack of Spain is its cultural backwardness with respect to Europe. In this manner, the thinker develops a vision for claiming the educational action of a reflective minority that must propose two related objectives: educating the Spanish people and raising the cultural level. In this sense, Ortega argues that it is not possible to create a coherent political project for the country without prior cultural and educational development. So education and culture are conceived as driving tools for sociopolitical change. Therefore, the author imagines an educational-political vision reflected, in turn, in a project for the regeneration of the country, which frees the latter from the elements that impede socio-cultural development. This regenerative project has a main instrument that is the \"new politics\", but also different limitations that lead to the failure of the first. Keywords: culture; education; intellectual leadership; politics; Spain; vision.

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Hannah Arendt's citizenship proposal. The central thesis is that this proposal is possible in contemporary democracies, and it is adequate for developing and strengthening of political action. The work is divided in five sections. In the first, we develop a brief introduction on the studied issue. In the second and third section, we analyze, respectively, political and moral conditions that enable democratic citizenship, and the conditions that hinder the exercise of the same, according to Arendt. Then, we reflect critically on Arendt's citizenship proposal. Finally, we conclude and we propose a set of civic challenges relate to current democracies in light of the above proposal. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is based on field work carried out during 2006 in three towns of the coast of Granada. The field work consisted in interviews with twenty farmers, specifically, farmers employed in intensive agriculture of vegetable production. This work was based on the following hypothesis: the study of life stories of people living in micro-social local worlds provides valuable material for the knowledge of macro-social processes experienced by those people. The analysis of life stories of farmers confirms that their everyday practices were related to important macro-social change processes. So, it manifests in the social world of farmers as a dialectical relationship between the global and the local, which leads to the intensification of local changes. Adapted from the source document.

This paper has two goals. On the one hand, discusses the concept of politics that emanates from the thought of Hannah Arendt. On the other hand, it reflects on the possibilities offered by this concept to the present crisis of politics. This wide crisis questions the meaning of politics, generates a growing public distrust and loss of institutional legitimacy. Thus, this article assumes the following hypothesis: Arendt's reflection allows restore confidence in politics, because she thinks in an enthusiastic conception of public space and/or common world, which citizens have generate and share. This public space is characterized by the plurality of the community, the contingency of human affairs, as well as the need of public discourses that contribute to the expression and prudent dialogues among citizens. For Arendt, citizens only can live in freedom if they participate in the public sphere and are aware of the uncertainties associated with their ideas, values and political judgments. So, citizens should incorporate prudential judgments in their political action, should prepare to listen to diverse public discourses and create common bonds among them. In light of this reflection, we conclude considering diverse alternatives to restore confidence in politics in the public space of contemporary democracies. Adapted from the source document.

Eating habits have shifted from being mostly developed within the family to become increasingly influenced by media and advertising. In these circumstances, in which we are witnessing trends toward the individuation of the eating act with its subsequent sociability loss, their socioeconomic, educational and/or informational disparities place people in unequal conditions for accessing to food commodities. In turn, these disparities are key factors for the production and reproduction of both people identity and their degree of social distinction.

Este artículo analiza el fenómeno del liderazgo político en el marco del mundo de la globalización atemperada y limitada, a raíz de la crisis sanitaria global causada por la pandemia de la Covid-19. Como resultado de dicha pande- mia, y de cambios anteriores a ésta, se transita hacia un mundo que se caracteriza por profundas transformaciones globales, así como por el recurrente protagonismo de los Estados e instituciones nacionales y de los liderazgos políticos, los cuales centran nuestra atención a través de dos preguntas: ¿qué rasgos definen el contexto sociopolítico en el que los liderazgos políticos han de actuar?, ¿qué cualidades y estilos requieren incorporar dichos liderazgos ante los retos actuales? Atendiendo a ambas preguntas, en primer lugar, se analizan los factores contextuales en clave nacional y global del liderazgo. Luego, se delimita el contexto y el concepto de globalización y se argumenta cómo ello contribuye a entender las vigentes dinámicas políticas. En tercer lugar, se revisan las teorías sobre el liderazgo y éste es conceptualizado a la luz del nuevo mundo. Finalmente, se reflexiona sobre el presente contexto, las cualidades y estilos del liderazgo.

En este artículo proponemos un enfoque para analizar los procesos de liderazgo político en el seno de las poliarquías o democracias representativas. Autores como Bryman, Burns, Kouzes, Linz y Posner, entre otros, definen el liderazgo político como una relación de intercambio entre líder y seguidores a través de la visión que comunica el primero como elemento incentivador. A partir de esta idea y en articulación con el enfoque del constructivismo estructuralista de Pierre Bourdieu, se argumenta la pertinencia de estudiar el liderazgo político integrando sus dimensiones subjetiva y objetiva. Así, por un lado, se concibe dicho liderazgo como un fenómeno construido socioculturalmente, haciendo especial hincapié en los conceptos de marco, habitus, campo y capital simbólico. Por otro lado, se plantea un estudio diacrónico del liderazgo para poder captar el proceso real de acumulación de capital simbólico por parte de los líderes políticos. In this article we set forth an approach concerning the processes of political leadership within the polyarchies or representative democracies. Scholars such as Bryman, Burns, Kouzes, Linz, or Posner define the political leadership as a relationship of exchange between a leader and his followers by way of the vision that the former conveys as a motivational factor. Based on this notion and in connection with Pierre Bourdieu's structural-constructivist approach we argue the pertinence of studying political leadership by integrating its subjective and objective dimensions. Hence, political leadership is considered, on the one hand, as a socio-culturally constructed phenomenon, stressing especially the notions of frame, habitus, field, and symbolic capital; while proposing on the other hand a diachronic study of political leadership aimed at understanding the real process of symbolic capital accumulation by political leaders.

El Ejido es una ciudad del sudeste español que ha pasado de ser una pequeña aldea dedicada a la agricultura de subsistencia, a principios de 1960, a tener en 2015 más de 85.000 habitantes. Este cambio se debe al desarrollo de una economía de invernaderos muy próspera que hoy está totalmente inserta en las dinámicas de la globalización. Tales dinámicas han ocasionado efectos contradictorios y han suscitado reacciones y/o formas de protesta diferentes en los dos principales actores sociales de El Ejido (los agricultores y los inmigrantes), entre los que se observan profundas asimetrías socioeconómicas y relaciones de explotación laboral. Como consecuencia, los inmigrantes y los agricultores viven en dos mundos sociales completamente diferentes y tienen percepciones y actitudes opuestas sobre la realidad, las cuales, a su vez, afectan a sus respectivas posibilidades y modos de reacción y/o de protesta.